destructive war.  If you consider that these treaties were actually concluded before the draft of the bills under which you act was sent to America, and that much time must necessarily have been consumed in adjusting compacts of such intricacy and importance, and further, if you consider the early notification of this treaty by the Court of France, and the assurance given that America had reserved a right of admitting even you to a similar treaty, you must be convinced of the truth of my assertions.  The fact is, that when the British minister perceived that we were treating with the greatest prince in Europe, he applied himself immediately to counteract the effect of these negotiations.  And this leads me, with infinite regret, to make some observations which may possibly be by you considered in an offensive point of view.

It seems to me, gentlemen, there is something (excuse the word) disingenuous in your procedure.  I put the supposition that Congress had acceded to your propositions, and then I ask two questions:—­ Had you full power from your commission to make these propositions?  Possibly you did not think it worth your while to consider your commission, but we Americans are apt to compare things together and to reason.  The second question I ask is, What security could you give that the British Parliament would ratify your compacts?  You can give no such security; and therefore we should, after forfeiting our reputation as a people, after you had filched from us our good name, and persuaded us to give to the common enemy of man the precious jewel of our liberties,—­after all this, I say, we should have been at the mercy of a Parliament which, to say no more of it, has not treated us with too great tenderness.  It is quite needless to add that, even if that Parliament had ratified the conditions you proposed, still poor America was to lie at the mercy of any future Parliament, or to appeal to the sword, which certainly is not the most pleasant business men can be engaged in.

For your use I subjoin the following creed of every good American:—­I believe that in every kingdom, state, or empire there must be, from the necessity of the thing, one supreme legislative power, with authority to bind every part in all cases the proper object of human laws.  I believe that to be bound by laws to which he does not consent by himself, or by his representative, is the direct definition of a slave.  I do therefore believe that a dependence on Great Britain, however the same may be limited or qualified, is utterly inconsistent with every idea of liberty, for the defence of which I have solemnly pledged my life and fortune to my countrymen; and this engagement I will sacredly adhere to so long as I shall live.  Amen.

Now, if you will take the poor advice of one who is really a friend to England and Englishmen, and who hath even some Scotch blood in his veins,—­away with your fleets and your armies, acknowledge the independence of America; and as ambassadors, and not commissioners, solicit a treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and alliance with the rising States of this Western world.  Your nation totters on the brink of a stupendous precipice, and even delay will ruin her.