You offer “to restore free intercourse, to revive mutual affection, and renew the common benefits of naturalization.”  Whenever your countrymen shall be taught wisdom by experience, and learn from past misfortunes to pursue their true interests in the future we shall readily admit every intercourse which is necessary for the purposes of commerce and usual between different nations.  To revive mutual affection is utterly impossible.  We freely forgive you, but it is not in nature that you should forgive us.  You have injured us too much.  We might, on this occasion, give you some instances of singular barbarity committed, as well by the forces of his Britannic Majesty as by those of his generous and faithful allies, the Senecas, Onondagas, and Tuscaroras.  But we will not offend a courtly ear by the recital of those disgusting scenes.  Besides this, it might give pain to that humanity which hath, as you observe, prompted your overtures, to dwell upon the splendid victories obtained by a licentious soldiery over unarmed men in defenceless villages, their wanton devastations, their deliberate murders, or to inspect those scenes of carnage painted by the wild excesses of savage rage.  These amiable traits of national conduct cannot but revive in our bosoms that partial affection we once felt for everything which bore the name of Englishman.  As to the common benefits of naturalization, it is a matter we conceive to be of the most sovereign indifference.  A few of our wealthy citizens may hereafter visit England and Rome to see the ruins of those august temples in which the goddess of Liberty was once adored.  These will hardly claim naturalization in either of those places as a benefit.  On the other hand, such of your subjects as shall be driven by the iron hand of Oppression to seek for refuge among those whom they now persecute will certainly be admitted to the benefits of naturalization.  We labor to rear an asylum for mankind, and regret that circumstances will not permit you, gentlemen, to contribute to a design so very agreeable to your several tempers and dispositions.

But further, your Excellencies say, “We will concur to extend every freedom to trade that our respective interests can require.”  Unfortunately, there is a little difference in these interests which you might not have found it very easy to reconcile, had the Congress been disposed to risk their heads by listening to terms which I have the honor to assure you are treated with ineffable contempt by every honest Whig in America.  The difference I allude to is, that it is your interest to monopolize our commerce, and it is our interest to trade with all the world.  There is, indeed, a method of cutting this Gordian knot which, perhaps, no statesman is acute enough to untie.  By reserving to the Parliament of Great Britain the right of determining what our respective interests require, they might extend the freedom of trade, or circumscribe it at their pleasure, for what