of his parents, Abba and Ahatbu, in the fourth year of Xerxes, 481 B.C.(2) They had evidently adopted the religion of Osiris, and were buried at Saqqarah in accordance with the Egyptian rites.  The upper scene engraved upon the stele represents Abba and his wife in the presence of Osiris, who is attended by Isis and Nephthys; and in the lower panel is the funeral scene, in which all the mourners with one exception are Asiatics.  Certain details of the rites that are represented, and mistakes in the hieroglyphic version of the text, prove that the work is Aramaean throughout.(3)

(1) It may be admitted that the Greek platonized cult of Isis and Osiris had its origin in the fusion of Greeks and Egyptians which took place in Ptolemaic times (cf.  Scott- Moncrieff, Paganism and Christianity in Egypt, p. 33 f.).  But we may assume that already in the Persian period the Osiris cult had begun to acquire a tinge of mysticism, which, though it did not affect the mechanical reproduction of the native texts, appealed to the Oriental mind as well as to certain elements in Greek religion.  Persian influence probably prepared the way for the Platonic exegesis of the Osiris and Isis legends which we find in Plutarch; and the latter may have been in great measure a development, and not, as is often assumed, a complete misunderstanding of the later Egyptian cult.

     (2) C.I.S., II. i, tab.  XI, No. 122.

(3) A very similar monument is the Carpentras Stele (C.I.S., II., i, tab.  XIII, No. 141), commemorating Taba, daughter of Tahapi, an Aramaean lady who was also a convert to Osiris.  It is rather later than that of Abba and his wife, since the Aramaic characters are transitional from the archaic to the square alphabet; see Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, pp. xviii ff., and Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions, p. 205 f.  The Vatican Stele (op. cit. tab.  XIV.  No. 142), which dates from the fourth century, represents inferior work.

If our examples of Semitic art were confined to the Persian and later periods, they could only be employed to throw light on their own epoch, when through communication had been organized, and there was consequently a certain pooling of commercial and artistic products throughout the empire.(1) It is true that under the Great King the various petty states and provinces were encouraged to manage their own affairs so long as they paid the required tribute, but their horizon naturally expanded with increase of commerce and the necessity for service in the king’s armies.  At this time Aramaic was the speech of Syria, and the population, especially in the cities, was still largely Aramaean.  As early as the thirteenth century sections of this interesting Semitic race had begun to press into Northern Syria from the middle Euphrates, and they absorbed not only the old Canaanite population but also the Hittite immigrants from Cappadocia.  The latter indeed