neutrality of the other continental Powers in view
of a war with England. To begin with, as regards
our ally, the French Republic, a satisfactory solution
of our task in this direction is already assured by
the existing treaties. Yet these treaties do
not bind the French Government to afford us military
support in the case of a war which, in the eyes of
shortsighted observers, might perhaps be regarded as
one which we had ourselves provoked. We have
accordingly opened negotiations through our Ambassador
with M. Delcasse, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs,
and with the President of the Republic himself.
I have the supreme satisfaction of being in a position
to lay before you the result of these negotiations
in the form of a despatch just received from our Ambassador
in Paris. It runs, in the main, as follows:
’I hasten to inform Your Excellency that, in
the name of the French Republic, M. Delcasse has given
me the solemn assurance that France will declare war
upon England at the moment His Majesty the Tsar has
directed his armies to march upon India. The
considerations which have prompted the French Government
to take this step have been further explained to me
by M. Delcasse in our conference of this day, when
he expressed himself somewhat as follows: ’Napoleon,
a hundred years ago, perceived with rare discernment
that England was the real enemy of all continental
nations, and that the European continent could not
pursue any other policy but to combine in resisting
that great pirate. The magnificent plan of Napoleon
was the alliance of France with Spain, Italy, Austria,
Germany, and Russia, in order to combat the rapacity
of England. And he would, in all probability,
have carried his scheme through had it not been that
considerations of domestic policy determined the Tsar
Alexander I., in spite of his admiration for Napoleon’s
ability, to run counter to the latter’s intentions.
The consequences of Napoleon’s defeat have shown
themselves sufficiently clearly during the past hundred
years in the enormous growth of the English power.
The present political constellation, which in many
respects is very similar to that of the year 1804,
should be utilised to revive Napoleon’s plan
once more. Russia has, of course, the first and
most vital interest in the downfall of England, for,
so long as Great Britain controls all the seas and
all the important coastlines, it is like a giant whose
hands and feet are fettered. Yet France is also
checked in her natural development. Her flourishing
colonies in America and the Atlantic Ocean were wrested
from her in the eighteenth century. She was ousted
by this overpowering adversary from her settlements
in the East Indies and—what the French
nation feels perhaps most acutely—Egypt,
purchased for France by the great Napoleon with the
blood of his soldiers, was weaned away by English
gold and English intrigues. The Suez Canal, built
by a Frenchman, Lesseps, is in the possession of the
English, facilitating their communications with India,