“We have no right to blame the continental Powers,” continued the Colonel, “for using our defeats for their own aggrandisement.  There is no Power at whose expense we have not grown great.  We took all our possessions by force of arms from the Spaniards, the Dutch, the Portuguese, and the French; we have always opposed Russia, since she began to develop her power.  We supported Turkey, we invaded the Crimea and destroyed Sebastopol, we suffocated her fleet in the Black Sea.  But this time we are out of our reckoning.  We have allowed the Japanese to attack Russia; but if our ministers believed that Japan would fight for any one but herself, they have made a great mistake.  Russia is making us pay for her losses in the Far East.”

“It is not Russia, but Germany, that is our worst enemy,” contradicted Mr. Kennedy.  “Russia has only been our enemy since we let Germany grow so powerful.  I remember how our ministers exulted when Prussia was at war with France and Austria.  The continent of Europe again seemed paralysed for a long time by internal disruption.  But our triumph was short-lived!  No one had suspected that Prussia would prove so strong.  Then the first defects in our policy became apparent.  After the first German victories on the Rhine, England ought to have concluded an alliance with France and declared war against Prussia.  Great political revolutions require considerable time, and a clever government should always look ahead.  Bismarck slowly prepared England’s defeat.  Thirty years ago we had a presentiment of this; it threatened us like a storm-cloud, but our Government had not the courage to look things in the face and lacked the energy.”

A general, who had hitherto said nothing, took up the conversation.  He belonged to the engineers, and was on his way to take over the command of Gibraltar.

“We talk about the loss of India,” said he; “but who knows whether we have not to fear an invasion of England herself?”

“Impossible!” exclaimed all the gentlemen present; “England will never allow her men-of-war to be driven out of the Channel.”

“I hope so too, but I don’t know whether you gentlemen remember how close the danger of Napoleon landing an army on English soil once was.”

“And if it had made its appearance, it would have been smashed to pieces by British fists!” cried Mr. Kennedy.

“Perhaps.  But why have we never consented to the Channel Tunnel being made?  All military authorities, especially Wolseley, are absolutely opposed to opening a road so convenient for traffic and trade.  They have always declared that England must remain an island, only accessible by sea.  This is certainly the first and most essential condition of England’s power.”

“Well, then,” said Mr. Kennedy, “as England is still an island, and we have always adhered to the principle of keeping a fleet superior to that of the two strongest naval powers, where is the danger?”