In time of war, when an action has been joined for a long time, and the lines are locked in fierce conflict, and stragglers are coming in and the wounded drifting away, when the reserves begin to waver here and there, it is on such an occasion that Scottish regiments have so often won distinction; it is on these occasions that you have seen some valiant brigade march straight forward into the battle smoke, into the confusion of the field, right into the heart of the fight.  That is what you have to do at this moment.  “Scotland for ever!”

Now I turn my argument to the other side of the field, to the other quarter, from which we are subject to attack; I turn in my appeal from Trade Unionists, from the Labour men, who ought in all fairness to recognise the work this Government is doing and back them in their sore struggle; I turn to the rich and the powerful, to Unionist and Conservative elements, who, nevertheless, upon Free Trade, upon temperance, and upon other questions of moral enlightenment, feel a considerable sympathy with the Liberal Party; I turn to those who say, “We like Free Trade and we are Liberals at heart, but this Government is too Radical:  we don’t like its Radical measures.  Why can’t they let well alone?  What do they mean by introducing all these measures, all these Bills, which,” so they say, “disturb credit and trade, and interfere with the course of business, and cause so many class-struggles in the country?” I turn to those who complain we are too Radical in this and in that, and that we are moving too quickly, and I say to them:  “Look at this political situation, not as party men, but as Britons; look at it in the light of history; look at it in the light of philosophy; and look at it in the light of broad-minded, Christian charity.”

Why is it that life and property are more secure in Britain than in any other country in the world?  Why is it that our credit is so high and that our commerce stretches so far?  Is it because of the repressive laws which we impose?  Why, gentlemen, there are laws far more severe than any prevailing in this country, or that have prevailed here for many years, now in force in great States in Europe, and yet there is no complete security of life and property notwithstanding all these repressive laws.  Is it because of the House of Lords, that life and property are secure?  Why, orders of aristocracy more powerful, much more homogeneous, of greater privileges, acting with much greater energy than our aristocracy, have been swept away in other countries until not a vestige, or scarce a vestige, of their existence remains.  Is it because of the British Constitution that life and property are secure?  Why, the British Constitution is mainly British common sense.  There never were forty millions of people dwelling together who had less of an arbitrary and rigid Constitution than we have here.  The Constitution of France, the Constitution of Germany, the Constitution of the United States are far more rigid, far better fortified against popular movement, than the Constitution under which we in these islands have moved steadily forward abreast of the centuries on the whole to a better state than any other country.