On November 30, 1906, the arrangement for recruiting Chinese in China will cease and determine.  Our consuls will withdraw the powers they have delegated to the mining agents, and I earnestly trust that no British Government will ever renew them.  A clause in the Constitution will provide for the abrogation of the existing Chinese Labour Ordinance after a reasonable interval.  I am not yet in a position to say what will be a reasonable interval, but time must be given to the new Assembly to take stock of the position and to consider the labour question as a whole.  I said just now there would be a clause with regard to differential legislation as between white persons and others, and to this clause will be added the words:  “No law will be assented to which sanctions any condition of service or residence of a servile character.”  We have been invited to use the word “slavery” or the words “semblance of slavery,” but such expressions would be needlessly wounding, and the words we have chosen are much more effective, because much more precise and much more restrained, and they point an accurate forefinger at the very evil we desire to prevent.

I have now finished laying before the House the constitutional settlement, and I should like to say that our proposals are interdependent.  They must be considered as a whole; they must be accepted or rejected as a whole.  I say this in no spirit of disrespect to the Committee, because evidently it is a matter which the Executive Government should decide on its own responsibility; and if the policy which we declare were changed, new men would have to be found to carry out another plan.  We are prepared to make this settlement in the name of the Liberal Party.  That is sufficient authority for us; but there is a higher authority which we should earnestly desire to obtain.  I make no appeal, but I address myself particularly to the right hon. gentlemen who sit opposite, who are long versed in public affairs, and who will not be able all their lives to escape from a heavy South African responsibility.  They are the accepted guides of a Party which, though in a minority in this House, nevertheless embodies nearly half the nation.  I will ask them seriously whether they will not pause before they commit themselves to violent or rash denunciations of this great arrangement.  I will ask them, further, whether they cannot join with us to invest the grant of a free Constitution to the Transvaal with something of a national sanction.  With all our majority we can only make it the gift of a Party; they can make it the gift of England.  And if that were so, I am quite sure that all those inestimable blessings which we confidently hope will flow from this decision, will be gained more surely and much more speedily; and the first real step will have been taken to withdraw South African affairs from the arena of British party politics, in which they have inflicted injury on both political parties and in which they have suffered grievous injury themselves.  I ask that that may be considered; but in any case we are prepared to go forward alone, and Letters Patent will be issued in strict conformity with the settlement I have explained this afternoon if we should continue to enjoy the support of a Parliamentary majority.