The taxes which have been proposed have not laid any
burden upon the necessaries of life like bread or
meat, nor have they laid any increased burden upon
comforts like tea and sugar. There is nothing
in these taxes which makes it harder for a labouring
man to keep up his strength or for the small man of
the middle class to maintain his style of living.
There is nothing in these taxes which makes it more
difficult for any hard-working person, whether he works
with his hands or his head, to keep a home together
in decent comfort. No impediment has been placed
by these taxes upon enterprise; no hampering restrictions
interrupt the flow of commerce. On the contrary,
if the tax upon spirits should result in a diminution
in the consumption of strong drink, depend upon it,
the State will gain, and all classes will gain.
The health of millions of people, the happiness of
hundreds of thousands of homes, will be sensibly improved,
and money that would have been spent upon whisky will
flow into other channels, much less likely to produce
evil and much more likely to produce employment.
And if the tax on undeveloped land, on land, that
is to say, which is kept out of the market, which
is held up idly in order that its owner may reap unearned
profit by the exertions and through the needs of the
surrounding community, if that tax should have the
effect of breaking this monopoly and of making land
cheaper, a tremendous check on every form of productive
activity will have been removed. All sorts of
enterprises will become economically possible which
are now impossible owing to the artificially high
price of land, and new forces will be liberated to
stimulate the wealth of the nation.
But it is not on these points that I wish to dwell
this afternoon. I want to tell you about the
meaning and the spirit of the Budget. Upon the
Budget and upon the policy of the Budget depends a
far-reaching plan of social organisation designed
to give a greater measure of security to all classes,
but particularly to the labouring classes. In
the centre of that plan stands the policy of national
insurance. The Chancellor of the Exchequer has
been for more than a year at work upon this scheme,
and it is proposed—I hope next year, if
there is a next year—it is proposed, working
through the great friendly societies, which have done
so much invaluable work on these lines, to make sure
that, by the aid of a substantial subvention from the
State, even the poorest steady worker or the poorest
family shall be enabled to make provision against
sickness, against invalidity, and for the widows and
orphans who may be left behind.