Of the Whigs it is a little harder to speak definitely, nor is it very necessary, for in two only out of seven Presidential elections did they elect their candidate, and in each case that candidate then died, and in 1854 they perished as a party utterly and for ever.  Just for a time they were identified with the “American policy” of Clay.  When that passed out of favour they never really attempted to formulate any platform, or to take permanently any very definite stand.  They nevertheless had the adherence of the ablest men of the country, and, as an opposition party to a party in power which furnished much ground for criticism, they possessed an attraction for generous youth.

The Democrats at once, and the Whigs not long after them, created elaborate party machines, on the need of which Jackson insisted as the only means of really giving influence to the common people.  The prevailing system and habit of local self-government made such organisation easy.  Men of one party in a township or in a county assembled, formulated their opinions, and sent delegates with instructions, more or less precise, to party conventions for larger areas, these would send delegates to the State Convention and these in turn to the National Convention of the Party.  The party candidates for the Presidency, as well as for all other elective positions, were and are thus chosen, and the party “platform” or declaration of policy was and is thus formulated.  Such machinery, which in England is likely always to play a less important part, has acquired an evil name.  At the best there has always been a risk that a “platform” designed to detach voters from the opposite party will be an insincere and eviscerated document, by which active public opinion is rather muzzled than expressed.  There has been a risk too that the “available” candidate should be some blameless nonentity, to whom no one objects, and whom therefore no one really wants.  But it must be observed that the rapidity with which such organisation was taken up betokened the prevalence of a widespread and keen interest in political affairs.

The days of really great moneyed interests and of corruption of the gravest sort were as yet far distant, but one demoralising influence was imposed upon the new party system by its author at its birth.  Jackson, in his perpetual fury, believed that office holders under the more or less imaginary ruling clique that had held sway were a corrupt gang, and he began to turn them out.  He was encouraged to extend to the whole country a system which had prevailed in New York and with which Van Buren was too familiar.  “To the victors belong the spoils,” exclaimed a certain respectable Mr. Marcy.  A wholesale dismissal of office holders large and small, and replacement of them by sound Democrats, soon took place.  Once started, the “spoils system” could hardly be stopped.  Thenceforward there was a standing danger that the party machine would be in