against Lee’s army, by Northern defeats on the
Shenandoah and an actual dash by the South against
Washington, by the further failure of Grant’s
first assault upon Petersburg, and by hideous losses
and some demoralisation in his army. The candidate
that the Democrats would put forward and the general
principle of their political strategy were well known
many weeks before their Convention met; and the Republicans
already despaired of defeating them. In the
Chicago Convention there were men, apparently less
reputable in character than their frank attitude suggests,
who were outspoken against the war; their leader was
Vallandigham. There were men who spoke boldly
for the war, but more boldly against emancipation and
the faults of the Government; their leader was Seymour,
talking with the accent of dignity and of patriotism.
Seymour, for the war, presided over the Convention;
Vallandigham, against the war, was the master spirit
in its debates. It was hard for such men, with
any saving of conscience, to combine. The mode
of combination which they discovered is memorable in
the history of faction. First they adopted a
platform which meant peace; then they adopted a candidate
intended to symbolise successful war. They resolved
“that this Convention does explicitly declare,
as the sense of the American people, that after four
years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment
of war . . . justice, humanity, liberty, and the public
welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a
cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate
convention of the States or other peaceable means,
to the end that at the earliest practicable moment
peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal
Union of the States.” The fallacy which
named the Union as the end while demanding as a means
the immediate cessation of hostilities needs no demonstration.
The resolution was thus translated: “Resolved
that the war is a failure”; and the translation
had that trenchant accuracy which is often found in
American popular epigram. The candidate chosen
was McClellan; McClellan in set terms repudiated the
resolution that the war was a failure, and then accepted
the candidature. He meant no harm to the cause
of the Union, but he meant no definite and clearly
conceived good. Electors might now vote Democratic
because the party was peaceful or because the candidate
was a warrior. The turn of fortune was about
to arrest this combination in the really formidable
progress of its crawling approach to power.
Perhaps it was not only, as contemporary observers
thought, events in the field that began within a few
days to make havoc with the schemes of McClellan and
his managers. Perhaps if the patience of the
North had been tried a little longer the sense of the
people would still have recoiled from the policy of
the Democrats, which had now been defined in hard
outline. As a matter of fact it was only in the
months while the Chicago Convention was still impending