but in establishing a strict control of the number which the Crown could at any moment maintain; and this control had long been in England and had always been in America completely effective.  We may therefore treat the protest which was raised against the law as unconstitutional, and the companion argument that it tended towards military despotism, as having belonged to the realm of political verbiage, and as neither founded in reason nor addressed to living popular emotions.

This is the way in which the Northern people, of whom a large part were, it must be remembered, Democrats, seem to have regarded these contentions, and a real sense, apart from these contentions, that conscription was unnecessary or produced avoidable hardship seems scarcely to have existed.  It was probably for this reason that Lincoln never published the address to the people, or perhaps more particularly to the Democratic opposition, to which several references have already been made.  In the course of it he said:  “At the beginning of the war, and ever since, a variety of motives, pressing, some in one direction and some in the other, would be presented to the mind of each man physically fit to be a soldier, upon the combined effect of which motives he would, or would not, voluntarily enter the service.  Among these motives would be patriotism, political bias, ambition, personal courage, love of adventure, want of employment, and convenience, or the opposite of some of these.  We already have and have had in the service, as it appears, substantially all that can be obtained upon this voluntary weighing of motives.  And yet we must somehow obtain more or relinquish the original object of the contest, together with all the blood and treasure already expended in the effort to secure it.  To meet this necessity the law for the draft has been enacted.  You who do not wish to be soldiers do not like this law.  This is natural; nor does it imply want of patriotism.  Nothing can be so just and necessary as to make us like it if it is disagreeable to us.  We are prone, too, to find false arguments with which to excuse ourselves for opposing such disagreeable things.”  He proceeded to meet some of these arguments upon the lines which have already been indicated.  After speaking of the precedents for conscription in America, he continued:  “Wherein is the peculiar hardship now?  Shall we shrink from the necessary means to maintain our free government, which our grandfathers employed to establish it and our fathers have already once employed to maintain it?  Are we degenerate?  Has the manhood of our race run out?” Unfair administration was apprehended.  “This law,” he said, “belongs to a class, which class is composed of those laws whose object is to distribute burthens or benefits on the principle of equality.  No one of these laws can ever be practically administered with that exactness which can be conceived of in the mind.  A tax law . . . will be a dead letter if