and his appreciation of the larger bearings of every
question might have been expected to set Stanton right,
unless, indeed, the thing was done suddenly behind
his back. In any case, this must be added to
the indications seen in an earlier chapter, that Lincoln’s
calm strength and sure judgment had at that time not
yet reached their full development. As for Stanton,
a man of much narrower mind, but acute, devoted, and
morally fearless, kept in the War Department as a sort
of tame tiger to prey on abuses, negligences, pretensions,
and political influences, this was one among a hundred
smaller erratic doings, which his critics have never
thought of as outweighing his peculiar usefulness.
His departmental point of view can easily be understood.
Recruits, embarrassingly, presented themselves much
faster than they could be organised or equipped, and
an overdriven office did not pause to think out some
scheme of enlistment for deferred service. Waste
had been terrific, and Stanton did not dislike a petty
economy which might shock people in Washington.
McClellan clamoured for more men—let him
do something with what he had got; Stanton, indeed,
very readily became sanguine that McClellan, once
in motion, would crush the Confederacy. Events
conspired to make the mistake disastrous. In
these very days the Confederacy was about to pass
its own Conscription Act. McClellan, instead
of pressing on to Richmond, sat down before Yorktown
and let the Confederate conscripts come up.
Halleck was crawling southward, when a rapid advance
might have robbed the South of a large recruiting area.
The reopening of enlistment came on the top of the
huge disappointment at McClellan’s failure in
the peninsula. There was a creditable response
to the call which was then made for volunteers.
But the disappointment of the war continued throughout
1862; the second Bull Run; the inconclusive sequel
to Antietam; Fredericksburg; and, side by side with
these events, the long-drawn failure of Buell’s
and Rosecrans’ operations. The spirit
of voluntary service seems to have revived vigorously
enough wherever and whenever the danger of Southern
invasion became pressing, but under this protracted
depressing influence it no longer rose to the task
of subduing the South. It must be added that
wages in civil employment were very high. Lincoln,
it is evident, felt this apparent failure of patriotism
sadly, but in calm retrospect it cannot seem surprising.
In the latter part of 1862 attempts were made to use the powers of compulsion which the several States possessed, under the antiquated laws as to militia which existed in all of them, in order to supplement recruiting. The number of men raised for short periods in this way is so small that the description of the Northern armies at this time as purely volunteer armies hardly needs qualification. It would probably be worth no one’s while to investigate the makeshift system with which the Government, very properly, then