slave and half free. “What in God’s
name,” said some friend after the meeting, “could
induce you to promulgate such an opinion?”
“Upon my soul,” he said, “I think
it is true,” and he could not be argued out
of this opinion. Finally the friend protested
that, true or not, no good could come of spreading
this opinion abroad, and after grave reflection Lincoln
promised not to utter it again for the present.
Now, in 1858, having prepared his speech he read it
to Herndon. Herndon questioned whether the passage
on the divided house was politic. Lincoln said:
“I would rather be defeated with this expression
in my speech, and uphold and discuss it before the
people, than be victorious without it.”
Once more, just before he delivered it, he read it
over to a dozen or so of his closest supporters, for
it was his way to discuss his intentions fully with
friends, sometimes accepting their advice most submissively
and sometimes disregarding it wholly. One said
it was “ahead of its time,” another that
it was a “damned fool utterance.”
All more or less strongly condemned it, except this
time Herndon, who, according to his recollection, said,
“It will make you President.” He
listened to all and then addressed them, we are told,
substantially as follows: “Friends, this
thing has been retarded long enough. The time
has come when these sentiments should be uttered;
and if it is decreed that I should go down because
of this speech, then let me go down linked to the
truth—let me die in the advocacy of what
is just and right.” Rather a memorable
pronouncement of a candidate to his committee; and
the man who records it is insistent upon every little
illustration he can find both of Lincoln’s cunning
and of his ambition.
Lincoln did go down in this particular contest.
Many friends wrote and reproved him after this “damned
fool utterance,” but his defeat was not, after
all, attributed to that. All the same he did
himself assure his defeat, and he did it with extraordinary
skill, for the purpose of ensuring that the next President
should be a Republican President, though it is impossible
he should at that time have counted upon being himself
that Republican. Each candidate had undertaken
to answer set questions which his opponent might propound
to him. And great public attention was paid
to the answers to these interrogatories. The
Dred Scott judgments created a great difficulty for
Douglas; he was bound to treat them as right; but
if they were right and Congress had no power to prohibit
slavery in a Territory, neither could a Territorial
Legislature with authority delegated by Congress have
that power; and, if this were made clear, it would
seem there was an end of that free choice of the people
in the Territories of which Douglas had been the great
advocate. Douglas would use all his evasive skill
in keeping away from this difficult point. If,
however, he could be forced to face it Lincoln knew
what he would say. He would say that slavery