It would be impossible, in the limit prescribed to these pages, to detail the numerous scenes and occurrences of a momentous nature, in which Mr. Adams took a prominent part during his services in the House of Representatives.  The path he marked out for himself at the commencement of his congressional career, was pursued with unfaltering fidelity to the close of life.  His was the rare honor of devoting himself, unreservedly, to his legitimate duties as a Representative of the people while in Congress, and to nothing else.  He believed the halls of the Capitol were no place for political intrigue; and that a member of Congress, instead of studying to shape his course to make political capital or to subserve party ends, should devote himself rigidly and solely to the interests of his constituents.  His practice corresponded with his theory.  His speeches, his votes, his entire labors in Congress, were confined strictly to practical subjects, vitally connected with the great interests of our common country, and had no political or party bearing, other than such as truth and public good might possess.

His hostility to slavery and the assumptions and usurpations of slave power in the councils of the nation, continued to the day of his death.  At the commencement of each session of Congress, he demanded that the infamous “gag rule,” which forbid the presentation of petitions on the subject of slavery, should be abolished.  But despite its continuance, he persisted in handing in petitions from the people of every class, complexion and condition.  He did not hesitate to lay before the House of Representatives a petition from Haverhill, Mass., for the dissolution of the Union!  Although opposed in his whole soul to the prayer of the petitioners, yet he believed himself sacredly bound to listen with due respect to every request of the people, when couched in respectful terms.

In vain did the supporters of slavery endeavor to arrest his course, and to seal his lips in silence.  In vain did they threaten assassination—­expulsion from the House—­indictment before the grand jury of the District of Columbia.  In vain did they declare that he should “be made amenable to another tribunal, [mob-law] and as an incendiary, be brought to condign punishment.”  “My life on it,” said a southern member, “if he presents that petition from slaves, we shall yet see him within the walls of the penitentiary.”  All these attempts at brow-beating moved him not a tittle.  Firm he stood to his duty, despite the storms of angry passion which howled around him, and with withering rebukes repelled the assaults of hot-blooded opponents, as the proud old headland, jutting far into ocean’s bosom, tosses high, in worthless spray, the dark mountain billows which in wrath beat upon it.

“Do the gentlemen from the South,” said he, “think they can frighten me by their threats?  If that be their object, let me tell them, sir, they have mistaken their man.  I am not to be frightened from the discharge of a sacred duty, by their indignation, by their violence, nor, sir, by all the grand juries in the universe.  I have done only my duty; and I shall do it again under the same circumstances, even though they recur to-morrow.”