of a rich kinsman. But it is impossible to play
the mendicant and the political adviser at the same
time, particularly when the other party is a Prussian
officer. In the second place, we were dependent
upon Germany owing to the state of our food supply.
Again and again we were here also forced to beg for
help from Germany, because the complete disorganisation
of our own administration had brought us to the most
desperate straits. We were forced to this by
the hunger blockade established, on the one hand, by
Hungary, and on the other by the official authorities
and their central depots. I remember how, when
I myself was in the midst of a violent conflict with
the German delegates at Brest-Litovsk, I received orders
from Vienna to bow the knee to Berlin and beg for
food. You can imagine, gentlemen, for yourselves
how such a state of things must weaken a Minister’s
hands. And, thirdly, our dependence was due to
the state of our finances. In order to keep up
our credit we were drawing a hundred million marks
a month from Germany, a sum which during the course
of the war has grown to over four milliards; and this
money was as urgently needed as were the German divisions
and the German bread. And, despite this position
of dependence, the only way to arrive at peace was
by leading Germany into our own political course; that
is to say, persuading Germany to conclude a peace
involving sacrifice. The situation all through
was simply this: that any momentary military
success might enable us to propose terms of peace which,
while entailing considerable loss to ourselves, had
just a chance of being accepted by the enemy.
The German military party, on the other hand, increased
their demands with every victory, and it was more hopeless
than ever, after their great successes, to persuade
them to adopt a policy of renunciation. I think,
by the way, that there was a single moment in the
history of this war when such an action would have
had some prospect of success. I refer to the
famous battle of Goerlitz. Then, with the Russian
army in flight, the Russian forts falling like houses
of cards, many among our enemies changed their point
of view. I was at that time still our representative
in Roumania. Majorescu was then not disinclined
to side with us actively, and the Roumanian army moved
forward toward Bessarabia, could have been hot on the
heels of the flying Russians, and might, according
to all human calculations, have brought about a complete
debacle. It is not unlikely that the collapse
which later took place in Russia might have come about
then, and after a success of that nature, with no
“America” as yet on the horizon, we might
perhaps have brought the war to an end. Two things,
however, were required: in the first place, the
Roumanians demanded, as the price of their co-operation,
a rectification of the Hungarian frontier, and this
first condition was flatly refused by Hungary; the
second condition, which naturally then did not come