had begun the war in common, and we could not end
it save in common. For us there was no way out
of the war; we could only choose between fighting with
Germany against the Entente, or fighting with the
Entente against Germany until Germany herself gave
way. A slight foretaste of what would have happened
was given us through the separatist steps taken by
Andrassy at the last moment. This utterly defeated,
already annihilated and prostrate Germany had yet
the power to fling troops toward the Tyrol, and had
not the revolution overwhelmed all Germany like a
conflagration, smothering the war itself, I am not
sure but that the Tyrol might at the last moment have
been harried by war. And, gentlemen, I have more
to say. The experiment of separate peace would
not only have involved us in a civil war, not only
brought the war into our own country, but even then
the final outcome would have been much the same.
The dissolution of the Monarchy into its component
national parts was postulated throughout by the Entente.
I need only refer to the Conference of London.
But whether the State be dissolved by way of reward
to the people or by way of punishment to the State
makes little difference; the effect is the same.
In this case also a “German Austria” would
have arisen, and in such a development it would have
been hard for the German-Austrian people to take up
an attitude which rendered them allies of the Entente.
In my own case, as Minister of the Imperial and Royal
Government, it was my duty also to consider dynastic
interests, and I never lost sight of that obligation.
But I believe that in this respect also the end would
have been the same. In particular the dissolution
of the Monarchy into its national elements by legal
means, against the opposition of the Germans and Hungarians,
would have been a complete impossibility. And
the Germans in Austria would never have forgiven the
Crown if it had entered upon a war with Germany; the
Emperor would have been constantly encountering the
powerful Republican tendencies of the Czechs, and he
would have been in constant conflict with the King
of Serbia over the South-Slav question, an ally being
naturally nearer to the Entente than the Habsburgers.
And, finally, the Hungarians would never have forgiven
the Emperor if he had freely conceded extensive territories
to Bohemia and to the South-Slav state; I believe,
then, that in this confusion the Crown would have
fallen, as it has done in fact. A separate peace
was a sheer impossibility. There remained the second
way: to make peace jointly with Germany.
Before going into the difficulties which rendered
this way impossible I must briefly point out wherein
lay our great dependence upon Germany. First
of all, in military respects. Again and again
we were forced to rely on aid from Germany. In
Roumania, in Italy, in Serbia, and in Russia we were
victorious with the Germans beside us. We were
in the position of a poor relation living by the grace