of course the Ministry carried their way, and Tom
Scott got his unearned pension. Nevertheless,
Scott was furious with Lord Holland. Writing
soon after to the happy recipient of this little pension,
he says, “Lord Holland has been in Edinburgh,
and we met accidentally at a public party. He
made up to me, but I remembered his part in your affair,
and cut him with as little remorse as an old
pen.” Mr. Lockhart says, on Lord Jeffrey’s
authority, that the scene was a very painful one.
Lord Jeffrey himself declared that it was the only
rudeness of which he ever saw Scott guilty in the course
of a life-long familiarity. And it is pleasant
to know that he renewed his cordiality with Lord Holland
in later years, though there is no evidence that he
ever admitted that he had been in the wrong. But
the incident shows how very doubtful Sir Walter ought
to have felt as to the purity of his Conservatism.
It is quite certain that the proposal to abolish Tom
Scott’s office without compensation was not a
reckless experiment of a fundamental kind. It
was a mere attempt at diminishing the heavy burdens
laid on the people for the advantage of a small portion
of the middle class, and yet Scott resented it with
as much display of selfish passion—considering
his genuine nobility of breeding—as that
with which the rude working men of Jedburgh afterwards
resented his gallant protest against the Reform Bill,
and, later again, saluted the dauntless old man with
the dastardly cry of “Burk Sir Walter!”
Judged truly, I think Sir Walter’s conduct in
cutting Lord Holland “with as little remorse
as an old pen,” for simply doing his duty in
the House of Lords, was quite as ignoble in him as
the bullying and insolence of the democratic party
in 1831, when the dying lion made his last dash at
what he regarded as the foes of the Constitution.
Doubtless he held that the mob, or, as we more decorously
say, the residuum, were in some sense the enemies of
true freedom. “I cannot read in history,”
he writes once to Mr. Laidlaw, “of any free
State which has been brought to slavery till the rascal
and uninstructed populace had had their short hour
of anarchical government, which naturally leads to
the stern repose of military despotism.”
But he does not seem ever to have perceived that educated
men identify themselves with “the rascal and
uninstructed populace,” whenever they indulge
on behalf of the selfish interests of their own class,
passions such as he had indulged in fighting for his
brother’s pension. It is not the want of
instruction, it is the rascaldom, i. e. the violent
esprit de corps of a selfish class, which “naturally
leads” to violent remedies. Such rascaldom
exists in all classes, and not least in the class
of the cultivated and refined. Generous and magnanimous
as Scott was, he was evidently by no means free from
the germs of it.