of naming the agents of his power, but you have made those agents responsible.  To be independent the king must be inviolable:  do not let us set aside this axiom.  We have never failed to observe this as regards individuals, let us regard it as respects the monarch.  Our principles, the constitution, the law, declare that he has not forfeited (qu’il n’est pas dechu):  thus, then, we have to choose between our attachment to the constitution and our resentment against an individual.  Yes, I demand at this moment from him amongst you all, who may have conceived against the head of the executive power prejudices however strong, and resentment however deep; I ask at his hands whether he is more irritated against the king than he is attached to the laws of his country?  I would say to those who rage so furiously against an individual who has done wrong,—­I would say, Then you would be at his feet if you were content with him? (Loud and lengthened applause.) Those who would thus sacrifice the constitution to their anger against one man, seem to me too much inclined to sacrifice liberty from their enthusiasm for some other man; and since they love a republic, it is, indeed, the moment to say to them, What, would you wish a republic in such a nation?  How is it you do not fear that the same variableness of the people, which to-day manifests itself by hatred, may on another day be displayed by enthusiasm in favour of some great man?  Enthusiasm even more dangerous than hatred:  for the French nation, you know, understands better how to love than to hate.  I neither fear the attacks of foreign nations nor of emigrants:  I have already said so; but I now repeat it with the more truth, as I fear the continuation of uneasiness and agitation, which will not cease to exist and affect us until the Revolution be wholly and pacifically concluded.  We need fear no mischief from without; but vast injury is done to us from within, when we are disturbed by painful ideas—­when chimerical dangers, excited around us, create with the people some consistency and some credit for the men who use them as a means of unceasing agitation.  Immense damage is done to us when that revolutionary impetus, which has destroyed every thing there was to destroy, and which has urged us to the point where we must at last pause, is perpetuated.  If the Revolution advance one step further it cannot do so without danger.  In the line of liberty, the first act which can follow is the annihilation of royalty; in the line of equality, the first act which must follow is an attempt on all property.  Revolutions are not effected with metaphysical maxims—­there must be an actual tangible prey to offer to the multitude that is led astray.  It is time, therefore, to end the Revolution.  It ought to stop at the moment when the nation is free, and when all Frenchmen are equal.  If it continue in trouble, it is dishonoured, and we with it; yes, all the world ought to agree that the common interest is involved in the close of the Revolution.