XVI.

It was only at ten o’clock that three cannon shots proclaimed (by order of the municipal and departmental authorities) the event of the night to the people.  The National Assembly had already met; the president informed it that M. Bailly, the mayor of Paris, was come to acquaint them that the king and his family had been carried off during the night from the Tuileries by some enemies of the nation; the Assembly, who were already individually aware of this fact, listened to the communication with imposing gravity.  It seemed as though at this moment the critical juncture of public affairs gave them a majestic calmness, and that all the wisdom of the great nation was concentrated in its representatives—­one feeling alone dictated every act, every thought, every resolution,—­to preserve and defend the constitution, even although the king was absent, and the royalty virtually dead.  To take temporary possession of the regency of the kingdom, to summon the ministers, to send couriers on every road, to arrest all individuals leaving the kingdom; to visit the arsenal, to supply arms, to send the generals to their posts, and to garrison the frontiers,—­all this was the work of an instant; there was no “right,” no “left,” no “centre;” the “left” comprised all.  The Assembly was informed that one of the aides-de-camp of M. de La Fayette, sent by him on his own responsibility, and previous to any orders from the Assembly, was in the power of the people, who accused M. de La Fayette and his staff of treason; and messengers were sent to free him.

The aide-de-camp entered the chamber and announced the object of his mission; the Assembly gave a second order, sanctioning that of M. de La Fayette, and he departed.  Barnave, who perceived in the popular irritation against La Fayette a fresh peril, hastened to mount the tribune; and although up to that period he had been opposed to the popular general, he yet generously, or adroitly, defended him against the suspicions of the people, who were ready to abandon him.  It was said that for some days past Lameth and Barnave, in succeeding Mirabeau in the Assembly, felt, like himself, the necessity of some secret intelligence with this remnant of the monarchy.  Much was said of secret relations between Barnave and the king, of a planned flight, of concealed measures; but these rumours, accredited by La Fayette himself in his Memoirs, had not then burst forth; and even at this present period they are doubtful.  “The object which ought to occupy us,” said Barnave, “is to re-establish the confidence in him to whom it belongs.  There is a man against whom popular movement would fain create distrust, that I firmly believe is undeserved; let us throw ourselves between this distrust and the people.  We must have a concentrated, a central force, an arm to act, when we have but one single head to reflect.  M. de La Fayette, since the commencement of the revolution, has evinced the opinions and the conduct of a good citizen.  It is absolutely necessary that he should retain his credit with the nation.  Force is necessary at Paris, but tranquillity is equally so.  It is you, who must direct this force.”