and we shall not speedily behold Catos or Ciceros replace the pope and the cardinals in the conclave.  I declare openly, that war, as I understand the term—­war, such as I have proposed, is impracticable.  And if it be the war of the court, of the ministers, of the patricians who affect patriotism, that we must accept—­oh, then, far from believing in the freedom of the world, I despair of your liberty.  The wisest course left us is to defend it against the perfidy of those enemies at home who lull you with these heroic illusions.

“I continue calmly and sorrowfully.  I have proved that liberty possesses no more deadly foe than war; I have proved that war, advised by men already objects of suspicion, was, in the hands of the executive power, nought save a means of annihilating the constitution, only the end of a plot against the Revolution.  Thus to favour these plans of war, under what pretext soever, is to associate ourselves with these treasonable plots against the Revolution.  All the patriotism in the world, all the pretended political commonplaces, cannot change the nature of things.  To inculcate, like M. Brissot and his friends, confidence in the executive power, and to call down public favour on the generals, is to disarm the Revolution of its last hope—­the vigilance and energy of the nation.  In the horrible position in which despotism, intrigue, treason, and the general blindness have placed us, I consult alone my head and my heart.  I respect nothing, save my country; I obey nought, save truth.  I know that some patriots blame the frankness with which I present this discouraging future of our situation.  I do not conceal my fault from myself.  Is not the truth already sufficiently guilty because it is the truth?  Ah! so that our slumbers be light, what matter, though we be awakened by the clash of chains?—­and in the quietude of slavery let us no longer disturb the repose of these fortunate patriots.  No, but let them know that we can measure with a firm eye and steady heart the depth of the abyss.  Let us adopt the device of the palatine of Posnania—­’I prefer the storms of liberty to the serenity of slavery.’

“If the moment of emancipation be not yet arrived, at least we should have the patience to await it.  If this generation was but destined to struggle in the quicksand of vice, into which despotism had plunged it; if the theatre of our revolution was destined but to present to the eyes of the universe a struggle between perfidy and weakness, egotism and ambition;—­the rising generation would commence the task of purifying this earth, so sullied by vice.  It would bring, not the peace of despotism or the sterile agitations of intrigue, but fire and sword to lay low the thrones and exterminate the oppressors.  O more fortunate posterity, thou art not stranger to us!  It is for thee that we brave the storms and the intrigues of tyranny.  Often discouraged by the obstacles that environ us, we feel the necessity of struggling for thee.  Thou shalt complete our work.  Retain on thy memory the names of the martyrs of liberty.”  The sentiments of Rousseau were to be traced in these words.