XXI.

An example of this at this moment occurred.  La Fayette resigned the command of the national guard into the hands of the council general of the commune.  At this meeting blazed the last faint spark of popular favour.  After he quitted the chamber a deliberation was held as to what mark of gratitude and regard the city of Paris should offer him.  The general addressed a farewell letter to the civic force, and affected to believe that the formation of the constitution was the era of the Revolution, and reduced him, like Washington, to the rank of a simple citizen of a free country.  “The time of revolution,” said he, in this letter, “has given place to a regular organisation, owing to the liberty and prosperity it assures us.  I feel it is now my duty to my country to return unreservedly into her hands all the force and influence with which I was intrusted for her defence during the tempests that convulsed her—­such is my only ambition.  Beware how you believe,” added he, in conclusion, “that every species of despotism, is extinct!” And he then proceeded to point out some of those perils and excesses into which liberty might fall at her first outset.

This letter was received by the national guard with an enthusiasm rather feigned than sincere.  They wished to strike a last blow against the factious by adhering to the principles of their general, and voted to him a sword forged from the bolts of the Bastille, and a marble statue of Washington.  La Fayette hastened to enjoy this premature triumph, and resigned the dictatorship at the moment when a dictatorship was most necessary to his country.  On his retirement to his estates in Auvergne, he received the deputation of the national guard, who brought him the proces verbal of the debate.  “You behold me once more amidst the scenes where I was born,” said he; “I shall not again quit them, save to defend and confirm our new-formed liberty should it be menaced.”

The different opinions of parties followed him in his retirement.  “Now,” said the Journal de la Revolution, “that the hero of two worlds has played out his part at Paris, we are curious to know if the ex-general has done more harm than good to the Revolution.  In order to solve the problem, let us examine his acts.  We shall first see that the founder of American liberty does not dare comply with the wishes of the people in Europe, until he had asked permission from the monarch.  We shall see that he grew pale at the sight of the Parisian army on its road to Versailles—­alike deceiving the people and the king; to the one he said, ‘I deliver the king into your power,’ to the other, ’I bring you my army.’  We should have seen him return to Paris, dragging in his train those brave citizens who were alone guilty of having sought to destroy the keep of Vincennes as they had destroyed the Bastille, their hands bound behind their backs.  We see him on he morrow of the journee