and energy necessary to attack France in the full enthusiasm of her Revolution.  The generals, and even the Marechal de Lascy himself, hesitated before frontiers reputed to be impregnable, whilst the emperor was apprehensive for the Low Countries and Italy.  The French maxims had passed the Rhine, and might explode in the German states at the moment when the princes and people were called upon to take arms against France, and the diet of the people might prove more powerful than the diet of the kings.  Dilatory measures would have the same intimidating effect on the revolutionary genius, without presenting the same dangers to Germany; and would it not be more prudent to form a general league of all the European powers to surround France with a circle of bayonets, and summon the triumphant party to restore liberty to the king, dignity to the throne, and security to the Continent?  “Should the French nation refuse,” added the emperor, “then we will threaten her in a manifesto, with a general invasion, and should it become necessary, we will crush her beneath the irresistible weight of the united forces of all Europe.”  Such were the counsels of that temporising genius of empires that awaits necessity without ever forestalling, and would fain be assured of every thing without the least risk.

XVI.

The king of Prussia, more impatient and more threatening, confessed to the emperor that he had no faith in the effect of these threats.  “Prudence,” said he, “is a feeble defence against audacity, and the defensive is but a timid position to assume in the face of the Revolution.  We must attack it in its infancy; for to give time to the French principles, is to give them strength.  To treat with the popular insurrection, is to prove to them that we fear, and are disposed to form a compact with them.  We must surprise France in the very act of anarchy, and publish a manifesto to Europe when the armies have crossed the frontiers and success has given authority to our declaration.”

The emperor appeared moved; he, however, insisted on the dangers to which a sudden invasion would inevitably expose Louis XVI., he showed the letters of this prince, and intimated that the Marquis de Noailles and M. de Montmorin—­the one French ambassador at Vienna, the other minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, who were both devoted to the king—­held out hopes to the court of Vienna of the speedy re-establishment of order and monarchical modifications of the constitution in France; and he demanded the right of suspending his decision until the month of September, although in the mean while military preparations should be made by both powers.  The scene was changed the next morning by the Count d’Artois.  This young prince had received from the hand of nature all the exterior qualifications of a chevalier:  he spoke to the sovereigns in the name of the thrones; to the emperor in the name of an outraged and dethroned