“Free and sincere union with our brothers in Paris:”  such was the rallying cry of the clubs.  Six hundred clubs sent in their adherence to the Jacobins; eighteen alone declared for the Feuillants.  The factions felt the importance of unity as fully as the nation, and the schism of opinion was stifled by the enthusiasm for the grandeur of their work, Petion, in a letter to his constituents which made a great sensation, spoke of these fruitless attempts at dissension amongst the patriots, and denounced those who dissented from it.  “I tremble for my country,” said he; “the moderes are meditating the reform of the constitution already; and to place again in the king’s hands the power the people have scarcely acquired.  My mind is overwhelmed by these gloomy reflections, and I despond.  I am ready to quit the post you have confided to me.  Oh, my country, be but thou saved, and I shall breathe my last sigh in peace!”

Such were Petion’s words, and from that hour he became the idol of the people.  He possessed neither the abilities nor the audacity of Robespierre; but he had hypocrisy, that shameless veil of doubtful positions.  The people believed him to be sincere, and his speeches had the same influence over them as his reputation.

XVIII.

The coalition which he denounced to the people was true.  Barnave had an understanding with the court.  Malouet, an eloquent and able member of the right, had an understanding with Barnave:  a plan for modifying the constitution had been concerted between these two men—­yesterday foes, to-day allies.  The moment was come for uniting in one general measure all these scattered laws valid during a revolution of thirty months.  In separating, on this review of the acts of the Assembly, what was integral from that which was not, the occasion must arise for a revision of every act of the constitution.  It was, therefore, the moment to profit (in order to amend them in a sense more monarchical), by the reaction produced by La Fayette’s victory.  What impulse and anger had too violently taken from the prerogatives of the crown, reason and reflection could restore to it.  The same men who had placed the executive power in the hands of the Assembly, hoped to be able to withdraw it from them.  They believed they could effect every thing by their eloquence and popularity.  Like all who are descending the tide of a revolution, they thought they were able to ascend the stream with equal ease.  They did not see that their strength, of which they were so proud, was not in themselves, but in the current which bore them along.  Events were about to teach them that there is no opposing passions to which concession has been once made.  The strength of a statesman is his power.  One concession, how slight soever, to factions, is an irrevocable engagement with them:  when once we consent to become their instrument, we may be made their idol and their victim, never their master.  Barnave