About the year 235 A.D., women were actually admitted to official life, and some of them rose to important government posts.  By the eighth century, however, all trace of this system had disappeared.

The women of the poorer classes are not educated at all; nor indeed are the men.  Both sexes have to work as burden-carriers and field labourers; and of course in such cases the restrictions mentioned above cannot be rigorously enforced.

Women of the shopkeeper class often display great aptitude for business, and render invaluable assistance to their husbands.  As in France, they usually keep the cash-box.

A mandarin’s seal of office is his most important possession.  If he loses it, he may lose his post.  Without the seal, nothing can be done; with it, everything.  Extraordinary precautions are taken when transmitting new seals from Peking to the provinces.  Every official seal is made with four small feet projecting from the four corners of its face, making it look like a small table.  Of these, the maker breaks off one when he hands the seal over to the Board.  Before forwarding to the Viceroy of the province, another foot is removed by the Board.  A third is similarly disposed of by the Viceroy, and the last by the official for whose use it is intended.  This is to prevent its employment by any other than the person authorised.  The seal is then handed over to the mandarin’s wife, in whose charge it always remains, she alone having the power to produce it, or withhold it, as required.

A Chinese woman shares the titles accorded to her husband.  When the latter is promoted, the title of the wife is correspondingly advanced.  She also shares all posthumous honours, and her spirit, equally with her husband’s, is soothed by the ceremonies of ancestral worship.

“Ancestral worship” is a phrase of ominous import, suggesting as it does the famous dispute which began to rage early in the eighteenth century and is still raging to-day.

In every Chinese house stand small wooden tablets, bearing the names of deceased parents, grandparents, and earlier ancestors.  Plates of meat and cups of wine are on certain occasions set before these tablets, in the belief that the spirits of the dead occupy the tablets and enjoy the offerings.  The latter are afterward eaten by the family; but pious Chinese assert that the flavour of the food and wine has been abstracted.  Similar offerings are made once a year at the tombs where the family ancestors lie buried.

The question now arises, Are these offerings set forth in the same spirit which prompts us to place flowers on graves, adorn statues, and hold memorial services?

If so, a Chinese convert to Christianity may well be permitted to embody these old observances with the ceremonial of his new faith.

Or do these observances really constitute worship? i.e. are the offerings made with a view to propitiate the spirits of the dead, and obtain from them increase of worldly prosperity and happiness?