Unfortunately, it could affect only very few men.  With the mass even of well-educated and observant men the feeling created by the novel power of the great papers was little more than a vague ill ease.  They had a general conception that the owner of a widely circulated popular newspaper could, and did, blackmail the professional politician:  make or unmake the professional politician by granting or refusing him the limelight; dispose of Cabinets; nominate absurd Ministers.

But the particular, vivid, concrete instances that specially move men to action were hidden from them.  Only a small number of people were acquainted with such particular truths.  But that small number knew very well that we were thus in reality governed by men responsible to no one, and hidden from public blame.  The determination to be rid of such a secret monopoly of power compelled a reaction:  and that reaction was the Free Press.

XII

Such being the motive powers of the Free Press in all countries, but particularly in France and England, where the evils of the Capitalist (or Official) Press were at their worst, let us next consider the disabilities under which this reaction—­the Free Press—­suffered.

I think these disabilities lie under four groups.

(1) In the first place, the free journals suffered from the difficulty which all true reformers have, that they have to begin by going against the stream.

(2) In the second place they suffered from that character of particularism or “crankiness,” which was a necessary result of their Propagandist character.

(3) In the third place—­and this is most important—­they suffered economically.  They were unable to present to their readers all that their readers expected at the price.  This was because they were refused advertisement subsidy and were boycotted.

(4) In the fourth place, for reasons that will be apparent in a moment, they suffered from lack of information.

To these four main disabilities the Free Papers in this country added a fifth peculiarly our own; they stood in peril from the arbitrary power of the Political Lawyers.

Let us consider first the main four points.  When we have examined them all we shall see against what forces, and in spite of what negative factors, the Free Press has established itself to-day.

1

I say that in the first place the Free Press, being a reformer, suffered from what all reformers suffer from, to wit, that in their origins they must, by definition, go against the stream.

The official Capitalist Press round about them had already become a habit when the Free Papers appeared.  Men had for some time made it a normal thing to read their daily paper; to believe what it told them to be facts, and even in a great measure to accept its opinion.  A new voice criticizing by implication, or directly blaming or ridiculing a habit so formed, was necessarily an unpopular voice with the mass of readers, or, if it was not unpopular, that was only because it was negligible.