I asked:  “What did you say?”

Morley replied:  “I do not think so.”

I said:  “You are quite right, except that if His Majesty would write me a note expressing his satisfaction with what I had done, as he has to you, this would be deeply appreciated and handed down to my descendants as something they would all be proud of.”

This was done.  The King’s autograph note I have already transcribed elsewhere in these pages.

That Skibo has proved the best of all health resorts for Morley is indeed fortunate, for he comes to us several times each summer and is one of the family, Lady Morley accompanying him.  He is as fond of the yacht as I am myself, and, fortunately again, it is the best medicine for both of us.  Morley is, and must always remain, “Honest John.”  No prevarication with him, no nonsense, firm as a rock upon all questions and in all emergencies; yet always looking around, fore and aft, right and left, with a big heart not often revealed in all its tenderness, but at rare intervals and upon fit occasion leaving no doubt of its presence and power.  And after that silence.

[Illustration:  MR. CARNEGIE WITH VISCOUNT MORLEY]

[Illustration:  THE CARNEGIE FAMILY AT SKIBO]

Chamberlain and Morley were fast friends as advanced radicals, and I often met and conferred with them when in Britain.  When the Home Rule issue was raised, much interest was aroused in Britain over our American Federal system.  I was appealed to freely and delivered public addresses in several cities, explaining and extolling our union, many in one, the freest government of the parts producing the strongest government of the whole.  I sent Mr. Chamberlain Miss Anna L. Dawes’s “How We Are Governed,” at his request for information, and had conversations with Morley, Gladstone, and many others upon the subject.

I had to write Mr. Morley that I did not approve of the first Home Rule Bill for reasons which I gave.  When I met Mr. Gladstone he expressed his regret at this and a full talk ensued.  I objected to the exclusion of the Irish members from Parliament as being a practical separation.  I said we should never have allowed the Southern States to cease sending representatives to Washington.

“What would you have done if they refused?” he asked.

“Employed all the resources of civilization—­first, stopped the mails,” I replied.

He paused and repeated: 

“Stop the mails.”  He felt the paralysis this involved and was silent, and changed the subject.

In answer to questions as to what I should do, I always pointed out that America had many legislatures, but only one Congress.  Britain should follow her example, one Parliament and local legislatures (not parliaments) for Ireland, Scotland, and Wales.  These should be made states like New York and Virginia.  But as Britain has no Supreme Court, as we have, to decide upon laws passed, not only by state legislatures