Up to this point all had been right enough.  The policy I had pursued in cases of difference with our men was that of patiently waiting, reasoning with them, and showing them that their demands were unfair; but never attempting to employ new men in their places—­never.  The superintendent of Homestead, however, was assured by the three thousand men who were not concerned in the dispute that they could run the works, and were anxious to rid themselves of the two hundred and eighteen men who had banded themselves into a union and into which they had hitherto refused to admit those in other departments—­only the “heaters” and “rollers” of steel being eligible.

My partners were misled by this superintendent, who was himself misled.  He had not had great experience in such affairs, having recently been promoted from a subordinate position.  The unjust demands of the few union men, and the opinion of the three thousand non-union men that they were unjust, very naturally led him into thinking there would be no trouble and that the workmen would do as they had promised.  There were many men among the three thousand who could take, and wished to take, the places of the two hundred and eighteen—­at least so it was reported to me.

It is easy to look back and say that the vital step of opening the works should never have been taken.  All the firm had to do was to say to the men:  “There is a labor dispute here and you must settle it between yourselves.  The firm has made you a most liberal offer.  The works will run when the dispute is adjusted, and not till then.  Meanwhile your places remain open to you.”  Or, it might have been well if the superintendent had said to the three thousand men, “All right, if you will come and run the works without protection,” thus throwing upon them the responsibility of protecting themselves—­three thousand men as against two hundred and eighteen.  Instead of this it was thought advisable (as an additional precaution by the state officials, I understand) to have the sheriff with guards to protect the thousands against the hundreds.  The leaders of the latter were violent and aggressive men; they had guns and pistols, and, as was soon proved, were able to intimidate the thousands.

I quote what I once laid down in writing as our rule:  “My idea is that the Company should be known as determined to let the men at any works stop work; that it will confer freely with them and wait patiently until they decide to return to work, never thinking of trying new men—­never.”  The best men as men, and the best workmen, are not walking the streets looking for work.  Only the inferior class as a rule is idle.  The kind of men we desired are rarely allowed to lose their jobs, even in dull times.  It is impossible to get new men to run successfully the complicated machinery of a modern steel plant.  The attempt to put in new men converted the thousands of old men who desired to work, into lukewarm supporters of our policy, for workmen can always be relied upon to resent the employment of new men.  Who can blame them?