1858, Dec. 23. Congress (House): Resolution on Slave-Trade.
On motion of Mr. Farnsworth,
“Resolved, That the Committee on Naval Affairs be requested to inquire and report to this House if any, and what, further legislation is necessary on the part of the United States to fully carry out and perform the stipulations contained in the eighth article of the treaty with Great Britain (known as the ‘Ashburton treaty’) for the suppression of the slave trade.” House Journal, 35 Cong. 2 sess. pp. 115-6.
1859, Jan. 5. Congress (Senate): Resolution on Slave-Trade.
On motion of Mr. Seward, Dec. 21, 1858,
“Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary inquire whether any amendments to existing laws ought to be made for the suppression of the African slave trade.” Senate Journal, 35 Cong. 2 sess. pp. 80, 108, 115.
1859, Jan. 13. Congress (Senate): Bill on Slave-Trade.
Mr. Seward introduced “a bill (Senate, No. 510) in addition to the acts which prohibit the slave trade.” Referred to committee, reported, and dropped. Ibid., pp. 134, 321.
1859, Jan. 31. Congress (House): Reopening of Slave-Trade.
“Mr. Kilgore moved that the rules be suspended, so as to enable him to submit the following preamble and resolutions, viz:
“Whereas the laws prohibiting the African slave trade have become a topic of discussion with newspaper writers and political agitators, many of them boldly denouncing these laws as unwise in policy and disgraceful in their provisions, and insisting on the justice and propriety of their repeal, and the revival of the odious traffic in African slaves; and whereas recent demonstrations afford strong reasons to apprehend that said laws are to be set at defiance, and their violation openly countenanced and encouraged by a portion of the citizens of some of the States of this Union; and whereas it is proper in view of said facts that the sentiments of the people’s representatives in Congress should be made public in relation thereto: Therefore—
“Resolved, That while we recognize no right on the part of the federal government, or any other law-making power, save that of the States wherein it exists, to interfere with or disturb the institution of domestic slavery where it is established or protected by State legislation, we do hold that Congress has power to prohibit the foreign traffic, and that no legislation can be too thorough in its measures, nor can any penalty known to the catalogue of modern punishment for crime be too severe against a traffic so inhuman and unchristian.
“Resolved, That the laws in force against said traffic are founded upon the broadest principles of philanthropy, religion, and humanity; that they should remain unchanged, except so far as legislation may be needed to render them more efficient; that they should be faithfully and promptly executed by our government, and respected by all good citizens.