I remember hearing, some time ago, that our Chancellor of the Exchequer was induced, on the suggestion of the Times, to put into print and circulate to the House beforehand the figures and tables connected with his financial statement.  I could not help remarking, why might the Chancellor not circulate, in the same fashion, the whole statement, down to the point of the declaration of the new taxes?  It would save the House at least an hour and a half, while not a third of that time would be required to read the printed statement.  I believe the first thing that would occur to anyone hearing this suggestion would be—­“so the Chancellor might, but the same reason would apply to the movers of bills, and to all other business as well “.

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Our English Parliamentary system having been matured by centuries of experience, has become a model for other countries just entering upon representative government.  But the imitation, if too literal, will not be found to work.  Our system supposes a large gentry, staying half the year in London for pure pleasure, to which we may add the rich men of business resident there.  A sufficient number of these classes can at any time be got to make up the House of Commons; and, the majority being composed of such, the ways of the House are regulated accordingly.  Daily constant attendance, when necessary, and readiness to respond to the whip at short notice, are assumed as costing nothing.  But in other countries, the case is not the same.  In the Italian Chamber I found professors of the University of Turin, who still kept up their class-work, and made journeys to Rome at intervals of a week or two, on the emergence of important business.  Even the payment of members is not enough to bring people away from their homes, and break up their avocations, for several months every year.  The forms of procedure, as familiar to us, do not fit under such circumstances.  The system of printed speeches, with division days at two or three weeks’ interval, might be found serviceable.  But, at all events, the entire arrangements of public deliberation need to be revised on much broader grounds than we have been accustomed to; and it is in this view, more than with any hope of bringing about immediate changes, that I have ventured to propound the foregoing suggestions.

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[OPINIONS FAVOURABLE TO PRINTING.]

Since the foregoing paper was written, opinions have been expressed favourable to the use of printing as a means of shortening the debates in the House of Commons.  Among the most notable of the authorities that have declared their views, we may count Lord Derby and Lord Sherbrooke.  Both advocate the printing of the answers by ministers to the daily string of questions addressed to them.  Lord Derby goes a step farther.  He would have everyone introducing a bill to prepare a statement of his reasons, to be circulated among members at the public expense.  Even this small beginning would be fruitful of important consequences; the greatest being the inevitable extension of the system.