From every point of view, therefore, it has seemed to be my duty to speak these declarations of purpose, to add these specific interpretations to what I took the liberty of saying to the Senate in January.  Our entrance into the war has not altered our attitude towards the settlement that must come when it is over.  When I said in January that the nations of the world were entitled not only to free pathways upon the sea but also to assured and unmolested access to those pathways I was thinking, and I am thinking now, not of the smaller and weaker nations alone, which need our countenance and support, but also of the great and powerful nations, and of our present enemies as well as our present associates in the war.  I was thinking, and am thinking now, of Austria herself, among the rest, as well as of Serbia and of Poland.  Justice and equality of rights can be had only at a great price.  We are seeking permanent, not temporary, foundations for the peace of the world and must seek them candidly and fearlessly.  As always, the right will prove to be the expedient.

What shall we do, then, to push this great war of freedom and justice to its righteous conclusion?  We must clear away with a thorough hand all impediments to success and we must make every adjustment of law that will facilitate the full and free use of our whole capacity and force as a fighting unit.

One very embarrassing obstacle that stands in our way is that we are at war with Germany but not with her allies.  I therefore very earnestly recommend that the Congress immediately declare the United States in a state of war with Austria-Hungary.  Does it seem strange to you that this should be the conclusion of the argument I have just addressed to you?  It is not.  It is in fact the inevitable logic of what I have said.  Austria-Hungary is for the time being not her own mistress but simply the vassal of the German Government.  We must face the facts as they are and act upon them without sentiment in this stern business.  The government of Austria-Hungary is not acting upon its own initiative or in response to the wishes and feelings of its own peoples but as the instrument of another nation.  We must meet its force with our own and regard the Central Powers as but one.  The war can be successfully conducted in no other way.  The same logic would lead also to a declaration of war against Turkey and Bulgaria.  They also are the tools of Germany.  But they are mere tools and do not yet stand in the direct path of our necessary action.  We shall go wherever the necessities of this war carry us, but it seems to me that we should go only where immediate and practical considerations lead us and not heed any others.

The financial and military measures which must be adopted will suggest themselves as the war and its undertakings develop, but I will take the liberty of proposing to you certain other acts of legislation which seem to me to be needed for the support of the war and for the release of our whole force and energy.