Of course, so to graduate any actual course of education that in the case of each individual it is the best which it is possible to conceive for him—­that it should at once enable him to make the most of his powers, and “regulate,” as Ruskin says, “his imagination and his hopes” in accordance with them, would require a clairvoyance and prevision not given to man; but the end here specified—­namely, an equality of opportunity which is relative—­is the only kind of equality which is even theoretically possible; and it is one, moreover, to which a constant approximation can be made.  The absolute equality which is contemplated by socialists, and by others who are more or less vaguely influenced by socialistic sentiment, is, on the contrary, an ideal which either could not be realised at all, or which, in proportion as it was realised, would be ruinous to the nation which provided it, and would bring nothing but disappointment to those who were most importunate in demanding it.  The only conceivable means, indeed, by which it could be extended beyond the first few years of life, would be by a constant process of handicapping—­that is to say, by applying to education the same policy that trade-unions apply to ordinary labour.  If one bricklayer has laid more bricks than his fellows, he virtually has to wait until the others have caught him up.  Similarly, if equality of opportunity, other than an equality that is relative, were to be maintained in the sphere of education, a clever boy who had learned to speak German in a year would have to be coerced into idleness until every dunce among his classmates could speak it as well as he; and a similar process would be repeated in after-life.  This policy, as has been pointed out already, is, even if wasteful, not ruinous in the sphere of ordinary labour—­a fact which shows how wide the difference is between the ordinary faculties, as applied to industry, and the exceptional; but no one in his senses, not even the most ardent apostle of equality, would dream of recommending its application to efforts of a higher kind, and demand that the clever boys should periodically be made to wait for the stupid, or that the best doctor in the presence of a great pestilence should not be allowed to cure more patients than the worst one.

If, then, it is, as it must be, the ideal aim of social arrangements generally to enable each to raise his capacities to their practical maximum, and adjust his desires and his expectations to the practical possibilities of attainment, “relative equality of opportunity,” firstly in education and secondly in practical life, is a formula which accurately expresses the means by which this end is to be secured; but the absolute equality which is contemplated by socialists and others is an ideal which, the moment we attempted to translate it into terms of the actual, would begin to fall to pieces, defeating its own purpose; and there is nothing in socialism, were socialism otherwise practicable, any more than there is the existing system, which would obviate this result.