has no meaning whatever unless it is interpreted in
a totally new sense. For in the sense in which
socialists speak of the rise and spread of capitalism,
socialism has, up to the present time, if we except
a number of small and unsuccessful experiments, never
risen or spread or had any existence at all.
Capitalism rose and spread as an actual working system,
which multiplied and improved the material appliances
of life in a manner beyond the reach of the older
system displaced by it. It realised results of
which previously mankind had hardly dreamed.
Socialism, on the other hand, has risen and spread
thus far, not as a system which is threatening to
supersede capitalism by its actual success as an alternative
system of production, but merely as a theory or belief
that such an alternative is possible. Let us take
any country or any city we please—for example,
let us say Chicago, in which socialism is said to
be achieving its most hopeful or most formidable triumphs—and
we shall look in vain for a sign that the general
productive process has been modified by socialistic
principles in any particular whatsoever. Socialism
has produced resolutions at endless public meetings;
it has produced discontent and strikes; it has hampered
production constantly. But socialism has never
inaugurated an improved chemical process; it has never
bridged an estuary or built an ocean liner; it has
never produced or cheapened so much as a lamp or a
frying-pan. It is a theory that such things could
be accomplished by the practical application of its
principles; but, except for the abortive experiments
to which I have referred already, it is thus far a
theory only, and it is as a theory only that we can
examine it.
What, then, as a theory, are the distinctive features
of socialism? Here is a question which, if we
address it indiscriminately to all the types of people
who now call themselves socialists, seems daily more
impossible to answer; for every day the number of those
is increasing who claim for their own opinions the
title of socialistic, but whose quarrel with the existing
system is very far from apparent, while less apparent
still is the manner in which they propose to alter
it. The persons to whom I refer consist mainly
of academic students, professors, clergymen, and also
of emotional ladies, who enjoy the attention of footmen
in faultless liveries, and say their prayers out of
prayer-books with jewelled clasps. All these persons
unite in the general assertion that, whatever may
be amiss with the world, the capitalistic system is
responsible for it, and that somehow or other this
system ought to be altered. But when we ask them
to specify the details as to which alteration is necessary—what
precisely are the parts of it which they wish to abolish
and what, if these were abolished, they would introduce
as a substitute—one of them says one thing,
another of them says another, and nobody says anything
on which three of them could act in concert.