But to make such federation harmonious and complete, the support of Ireland must be obtained.  That country is the only member of the United Kingdom whose representatives in Parliament refused, as a rule, to take part in the celebration of the Queen’s reign.  They felt that their island had never been placed on a true equality with its stronger and more prosperous neighbor.  In fact, the Royal Commission, appointed to inquire into the relative taxation of England and Ireland, reported (1897) nearly unanimously that “for a great many years Ireland had paid annually more than 2,000,000 pounds beyond her just proportion of taxation."[1] It has been estimated that the total excess obtained during the Queen’s reign amounted to nearly 100,000,000 pounds.

[1] McCarthy’s “History of Our Own Times,” V, 487.

Mr. Gladstone, the Liberal Prime Minister (1893) made a vigorous effort to secure “Home Rule” for Ireland.  His bill granting that country an independent Parliament passed the House of Commons by a very large majority, but was utterly defeated in the House of Lords.  Five years later (1898) Lord Salisbury, the Conservative Prime Minister, passed a bill which, though it did not give Ireland “Home Rule,” did give it local self-government on the same popular foundation on which it rests in England (S608) and Scotland.  Mr. Bryce, the British Ambassador at Washington, recently said (1911) that he was convinced that the condition of the people of Ireland had greatly improved and was “still advancing,” and that “before long nearly all the land wouyld belong to the cultivators” (S605).

The recognition of the principle of international arbitration by England in the Alabama case (S598), in the Bering Sea Seal Fisheries dispute (1893), in the Venezuela boundary controversy (1896), and in the Newfoundland Fisheries case (1910) proved that the English people saw that the victories of peace are worth as much to a nation as the victories of war.  The Hague Peace Conference Treaty, ratified by Great Britain with the United States and the leading nations of Europe and the Far East (1899), provided for the establishment of a permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague between all of the great powers which signed it.  All appeals to it, however, are entirely voluntary.

Ten years earlier, a proposition to establish such a court for the purpose of strengthening the cause of international peace would have been looked upon as “a splendid but delusive dream.”  To-day many of the ablest men on both sides of the Atlantic believe that the time is not far off when England and America will agree to settle by arbitration all questions which diplomacy cannot deal with, which may arise between them.  Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs in Mr. Asquith’s Liberal Cabinet, fears that the continued expenditure on larger and larger armaments “will end in international revolution.”  On the other hand, those who are constantly advocating the building of more and bigger battleships admit that the Peace Party presents strong arguments in support of its views, and that “the war against war” is making progress.