History of Egypt, Chaldæa, Syria, Babylonia, and Assyria, Volume 7 (of 12) eBook

Gaston Maspero
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 372 pages of information about History of Egypt, Chaldæa, Syria, Babylonia, and Assyria, Volume 7 (of 12).

History of Egypt, Chaldæa, Syria, Babylonia, and Assyria, Volume 7 (of 12) eBook

Gaston Maspero
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 372 pages of information about History of Egypt, Chaldæa, Syria, Babylonia, and Assyria, Volume 7 (of 12).

From this time forward Judah became, like Israel, Edom, the Philistines and Ammonites, a mere vassal of Hazael; with the possible exception of Moab, all the peoples of Southern Syria were now subject to Damascus, and formed a league as strong as that which had successfully resisted the power of Shalmaneser.  Ramman-nirari, therefore, did not venture to attack Syria during the lifetime of Hazael; but a change of sovereign is always a critical moment in the history of an Eastern empire, and he took advantage of the confusion caused by the death of the aged king to attack his successor Mari (803 B.C.).  Mari essayed the tactics which his father had found so successful; he avoided a pitched battle, and shut himself up in Damascus.  But he was soon closely blockaded, and forced to submit to terms; Ramman-nirari demanded as the price of withdrawal, 23,000 talents of silver, 20 talents of gold, 3000 of copper, 5000 of iron, besides embroidered and dyed stuffs, an ivory couch, and a litter inlaid with ivory,—­in all a considerable part of the treasures amassed at the expense of the Hebrews and their neighbours.  It is doubtful whether Ramman-nirari pushed further south, and penetrated in person as far as the deserts of Arabia Petrsae—­a suggestion which the mention of the Philistines and Edomites among the list of his tributary states might induce us to accept.  Probably it was not the case, and he really went no further than Damascus.  But the submission of that city included, in theory at least, the submission of all states subject to her sway, and these dependencies may have sent some presents to testify their desire to conciliate his favour; their names appear in the inscriptions in order to swell the number of direct or indirect vassals of the empire, since they were subject to a state which had been effectually conquered.

Ramman-nirari did not meet with such good fortune in the North; not only did he fail to obtain the brilliant successes which elsewhere attended his arms, but he ended by sustaining considerable reverses.  The Ninevite historians reckoned the two expeditions of 808 and 807 B.C. against the Mannai as victories, doubtless because the king returned with a train of prisoners and loaded with spoil; but the Vannic inscriptions reveal that Urartu, which had been rising into prominence during the reign of Shalmaneser, had now grown still more powerful, and had begun to reconquer those provinces on the Tigris and Euphrates of which the Assyrians thought themselves the undoubted lords.  Sharduris II. had been succeeded, about 828, by his son Ishpuinis, who had perhaps measured his strength against Samsi-raniman IV.  Ishpuinis appears to have conquered and reduced to the condition of a province the neighbouring principality of Biainas, which up to that time had been governed by a semi-independent dynasty; at all events, he transferred thence his seat of govern-and made Dhuspas his favourite residence.  Towards the end of his reign he associated

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History of Egypt, Chaldæa, Syria, Babylonia, and Assyria, Volume 7 (of 12) from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.