For the rest, the various points of detail to which I have alluded above present difficulties which are by no means insuperable, if—­as I trust may be the case—­the various parties concerned approach the subject with a real desire to arrive at some practical solutions.  The same may be said as regards almost all the points to which Europeans resident in Egypt attach special importance, such, for instance, as the composition of criminal courts for trying Europeans, the regulation of domiciliary visits by the police, and cognate issues.  In all these cases it is by no means difficult to devise methods for preserving all that is really worth keeping in the present system, and at the same time discarding those portions which seriously hinder the progress of the country.  There is, however, one important point of detail which, I must admit, presents considerable practical difficulties.  It is certain that the services of some of the European judges of the Mixed Tribunals might be utilised in constituting the new Chamber.  Their presence would be of great use, and it is highly probable that they will in practice become the real working men of any Chamber which may be created.  But apart from the objection in principle to confiding the making as also the administration of the law wholly to the same individuals, it is to be observed that, in order to create a really representative body, it would be essential that other Europeans—­merchants, bankers, landowners, and professional men—­should be seated in the Chamber.  Almost all the Europeans resident in Europe are busy men, and the question will arise whether those whose assistance would, on general grounds, be of special value, are prepared to sacrifice the time required for paying adequate attention to their legislative duties.  I can only say that I hope that sufficient public spirit is to be found amongst the many highly qualified European residents in Egypt of divers nationalities to enable this question to be answered in the affirmative.

It is, of course, impossible within the space allotted to me to deal fully on the present occasion with all the aspects of this very difficult and complicated question.  I can only attempt to direct attention to the main issue, and that issue, I repeat, is how to devise some plan which shall take the place of the present Egyptian system of legislation by diplomacy.  The late Lord Salisbury once epigrammatically described that system to me by saying that it was like the liberum veto of the old Polish Diet, “without being able to have recourse to the alternative of striking off the head of any recalcitrant voter.”  It is high time that such a system should be swept away and some other adopted which will be more in harmony with the actual facts of the Egyptian situation.  If, as I trust may be the case, Lord Kitchener is able to devise and to carry into execution some plan which will rescue Egypt from its present legislative Slough of Despond, he will have deserved well, not only of his country, but also of all those Egyptian interests, whether native or European, which are committed to his charge.