philosophy. Thus great stress is laid on the
dictum that Communism is not a mere party doctrine
of the working-class, but a theory compassing the
emancipation of society at large, including the capitalist
class, from its present narrow conditions. This
is true enough in the abstract, but absolutely useless,
and sometimes worse, in practice. So long as
the wealthy classes not only do not feel the want
of any emancipation, but strenuously oppose the self-emancipation
of the working-class, so long the social revolution
will have to be prepared and fought out by the working-class
alone. The French bourgeois of 1789, too, declared
the emancipation of the bourgeoisie to be the emancipation
of the whole human race; but the nobility and clergy
would not see it; the proposition—though
for the time being, with respect to feudalism, an
abstract historical truth—soon became a
mere sentimentalism, and disappeared from view altogether
in the fire of the revolutionary struggle. And
to-day, the very people who, from the “impartiality”
of their superior standpoint, preach to the workers
a Socialism soaring high above their class interests
and class struggles, and tending to reconcile in a
higher humanity the interests of both the contending
classes—these people are either neophytes,
who have still to learn a great deal, or they are
the worst enemies of the workers,—wolves
in sheeps’ clothing.
The recurring period of the great industrial crisis
is stated in the text as five years. This was
the period apparently indicated by the course of events
from 1825 to 1842. But the industrial history
from 1842 to 1868 has shown that the real period is
one of ten years; that the intermediate revulsions
were secondary, and tended more and more to disappear.
Since 1868 the state of things has changed again,
of which more anon.
I have taken care not to strike out of the text the
many prophecies, amongst others that of an imminent
social revolution in England, which my youthful ardour
induced me to venture upon. The wonder is, not
that a good many of them proved wrong, but that so
many of them have proved right, and that the critical
state of English trade, to be brought on by Continental
and especially American competition, which I then
foresaw—though in too short a period—has
now actually come to pass. In this respect I
can, and am bound to, bring the book up to date, by
placing here an article which I published in the London
Commonweal of March 1, 1885, under the heading:
“England in 1845 and in 1885.” It
gives at the same time a short outline of the history
of the English working-class during these forty years,
and is as follows: