I hope that after this picture of the New Poor Law and its results, no word which I have said of the English bourgeoisie will be thought too stern.  In this public measure, in which it acts in corpore as the ruling power, it formulates its real intentions, reveals the animus of those smaller transactions with the proletariat, of which the blame apparently attaches to individuals.  And that this measure did not originate with any one section of the bourgeoisie, but enjoys the approval of the whole class, is proved by the Parliamentary debates of 1844.  The Liberal party had enacted the New Poor Law; the Conservative party, with its Prime Minister Peel at the head, defends it, and only alters some petty-fogging trifles in the Poor Law Amendment Bill of 1844.  A Liberal majority carried the bill, a Conservative majority approved it, and the “Noble Lords” gave their consent each time.  Thus is the expulsion of the proletariat from State and society outspoken, thus is it publicly proclaimed that proletarians are not human beings, and do not deserve to be treated as such.  Let us leave it to the proletarians of the British Empire to re-conquer their human rights. {293}

Such is the state of the British working-class as I have come to know it in the course of twenty-one months, through the medium of my own eyes, and through official and other trustworthy reports.  And when I call this condition, as I have frequently enough done in the foregoing pages, an utterly unbearable one, I am not alone in so doing.  As early as 1833, Gaskell declared that he despaired of a peaceful issue, and that a revolution can hardly fail to follow.  In 1838, Carlyle explained Chartism and the revolutionary activity of the working-men as arising out of the misery in which they live, and only wondered that they have sat so quietly eight long years at the Barmecide feast, at which they have been regaled by the Liberal bourgeoisie with empty promises.  And in 1844 he declared that the work of organising labour must be begun at once “if Europe or at least England, is long to remain inhabitable.”  And the Times, the “first journal of Europe,” said in June, 1844:  “War to palaces, peace unto cabins—­that is a battle-cry of terror which may come to resound throughout our country.  Let the wealthy beware!”

* * * * *

Meanwhile, let us review once more the chances of the English bourgeoisie.  In the worst case, foreign manufacture, especially that of America, may succeed in withstanding English competition, even after the repeal of the Corn Laws, inevitable in the course of a few years.  German manufacture is now making great efforts, and that of America has developed with giant strides.  America, with its inexhaustible resources, with its unmeasured coal and iron fields, with its unexampled wealth of water-power and its navigable rivers, but especially with its energetic, active population, in comparison with which the English