The revolt of the workers began soon after the first industrial development, and has passed through several phases.  The investigation of their importance in the history of the English people I must reserve for separate treatment, limiting myself meanwhile to such bare facts as serve to characterise the condition of the English proletariat.

The earliest, crudest, and least fruitful form of this rebellion was that of crime.  The working-man lived in poverty and want, and saw that others were better off than he.  It was not clear to his mind why he, who did more for society than the rich idler, should be the one to suffer under these conditions.  Want conquered his inherited respect for the sacredness of property, and he stole.  We have seen how crime increased with the extension of manufacture; how the yearly number of arrests bore a constant relation to the number of bales of cotton annually consumed.

The workers soon realised that crime did not help matters.  The criminal could protest against the existing order of society only singly, as one individual; the whole might of society was brought to bear upon each criminal, and crushed him with its immense superiority.  Besides, theft was the most primitive form of protest, and for this reason, if for no other, it never became the universal expression of the public opinion of the working-men, however much they might approve of it in silence.  As a class, they first manifested opposition to the bourgeoisie when they resisted the introduction of machinery at the very beginning of the industrial period.  The first inventors, Arkwright and others, were persecuted in this way and their machines destroyed.  Later, there took place a number of revolts against machinery, in which the occurrences were almost precisely the same as those of the printers’ disturbances in Bohemia in 1844; factories were demolished and machinery destroyed.

This form of opposition also was isolated, restricted to certain localities, and directed against one feature only of our present social arrangements.  When the momentary end was attained, the whole weight of social power fell upon the unprotected evil-doers and punished them to its heart’s content, while the machinery was introduced none the less.  A new form of opposition had to be found.

At this point help came in the shape of a law enacted by the old, unreformed, oligarchic-Tory parliament, a law which never could have passed the House of Commons later, when the Reform Bill had legally sanctioned the distinction between bourgeoisie and proletariat, and made the bourgeoisie the ruling class.  This was enacted in 1824, and repealed all laws by which coalitions between working-men for labour purposes had hitherto been forbidden.  The working-men obtained a right previously restricted to the aristocracy and bourgeoisie, the right of free association.  Secret coalitions had, it is true, previously existed, but could never achieve great results.  In Glasgow,