Were we living in ordinary times, had there been no world-wide war, with its vast upheavals and colossal changes, it would be both interesting and profitable to further discuss the Reports, their conclusions and recommendations; but the war has altered the whole railway situation, and it would be idle to do so now.  Victor Hugo says:  “Great events have incalculable consequences,” which is unquestionably true in respect of the railways and the war.  The vital question now in regard, not only to the railways of Ireland, but to the railways of the whole United Kingdom, is as to their future.  It is, however, with the Irish railways I am specially concerned, and of them I may pretend to have a little knowledge, which must be my excuse for saying a few words more on the subject.

The Irish railways, like those of Great Britain, are at present controlled by the Government, under the Regulation of the Forces Act, 1871—­a war arrangement which is to be continued, under the powers of the Ministry of Transport Act, for a further period of two years, “with a view to affording time for the consideration and formulation of the policy to be pursued as to the future position” of the railways.  This arrangement, temporary in its nature, provides, as is pretty generally known, that during its continuance, the railway companies shall be guaranteed the same net income as they earned in the year preceding the war, viz., 1913.  So far so good.  But two years will quickly pass; and what then?  It is also generally known that the Government control of the railways, during the war and since, has resulted in enormous additions to the working expenses.  Perhaps these additions were inevitable.  The cost of coal, and of all materials used in the working of railways, advanced by leaps and bounds; but the biggest increase has been in the wages bill.  The Government granted these increases of wages, and also conceded shorter hours of labour, involving an immensity of expense, on their own responsibility, without consultation with the Irish railway companies.  Upon the Irish railway companies, for the present position of affairs no responsibility, therefore, rests.  Again I say, the course which the Government adopted was, perhaps, inevitable.  They had to win the war.  Labour was clamorous and insistent, and serious trouble threatened.  High reasons of State may be presumed to have dictated the Government policy.  Anyhow the thing is done, and the hard fact remains that the Irish railways have been brought to such a financial condition that, if they were handed back to the companies, many of them not only could not pay any dividends but would be unable to meet their fixed charges whilst some would not be able to even pay their working expenses.

In England the opinion is held that a proper balance between receipts and expenditure can be restored by increased charges and reduced expenditure.  This may be so in England, with its teeming population and its almost illimitable industrial resources.  As to that I venture no opinion, but Ireland is very differently situated.  It is mainly an agricultural country, and for most of its railways no such promising prospect can, it seems to me, be discerned.  To unduly increase rates would diminish traffic and induce competition by road and sea.  Past experience teaches this.