the earth, who found their account in being champions of progressive ideas,—­the liberalism of those days.  Almost all the renowned anti-Austrian leaders of the Thirty Years’ War were kings, nobles, aristocrats of every grade, most of whom, we may suppose, cared as little for political freedom as the Hapsburgs cared for it.  Gustavus Adolphus could be as arbitrary as Ferdinand II., and some of his most ardent admirers are of opinion that he fell none too soon for his own reputation, though much too soon for the good of Europe, when he was slain on the glorious field of Luetzen.  The most remarkable of all the wars waged by the Austrian house against human rights was that which Philip II. and his successor directed against the Dutch:  the latter were the champions of liberty; but the opponents of the Spanish Hapsburgs even in that war can hardly be called the people.  They were—­at least the animating and inspiriting portion of them—­the old Dutch municipal aristocracy, who on most occasions were well supported by the people.  Down to a time within living memory, the German Hapsburgs contended only against their equals in blood and birth, if not always in power.  In 1792 a new age began.  The armies of Revolutionary France were even more democratic than our own in the Secession war, and not even Napoleon’s imperializing and demoralizing course could entirely change their character.  Democracy and aristocracy, each all armed, were fairly pitted against each other, in that long list of actions which began at Jemappes and terminated at Solferino.  The Austrian army, like the Austrian government, is the most aristocratic institution of the kind in the world, and as such it was well ranged against the French army, the only great armed democratic force Europe had ever seen till the present year.  Democracy had the better in most of the engagements that took place, though it had ever to fight hard for it, the Austrians rarely behaving otherwise than well in war.  The Prussian army that did such great things last summer was conscribed from the people to an extent that has no parallel since the French Republic formed its armies; and it broke down the aristocratical force of Austria as effectively as Cromwell’s Ironsides,—­who were enlisted and disciplined yeomen,—­broke through, cut down, and rode over the high-born Cavaliers of England.  Now what Austria’s army encountered when it met the French and Prussian armies, the Austrian government has to encounter in the management of affairs.  In the old diplomatic school, Austria could hold her own with any foe, or friend either,—­the latter the more difficult matter of the two.  There seldom have been abler men in their way than Kaunitz and Metternich, but they would be utterly useless were they to come back and take charge of Austrian diplomacy, so changed is the world’s state.  And their successors are of their school, with abilities far inferior to theirs.  The people have now to be consulted, even when treaties are arranged and political combinations made.  Such a parcelling out of countries as was so easily effected at Vienna in 1815 would no more be possible now, than it would be to get up a crusade, or to revive the traffic in slaves.  The ground which the people have gained in fifty years’ course they have no intention of giving up, rather meaning to strengthen it and to extend it.