purposes unfulfilled.  I think, therefore, we can put aside this extremely uncomfortable suggestion that the war may possibly end in a deadlock, because, in the last resort, Great Britain, with her fleet, her sister dominions over the seas, her colonies, and her eastern ally Japan, will always, to use the familiar phrase, have “something up her sleeve,” even though continental nations should reach a pitch of absolute exhaustion.

A NEW EUROPE

It follows then that, even if we admit the purely speculative character of our argument, it is not only right and proper, but absolutely necessary that we should prepare ourselves for something which we can really describe as a new Europe.  Thoughtful minds ought imaginatively to put themselves in the position of a spectator of a reconstituted world, or rather of a world that waits to be reconstituted.  It is necessary that this should be done, because so many older prejudices have to be swept away, so many novel conceptions have to be entertained.  Let us take only a single example.  If we look back over history, we shall see that all the great nations have made themselves great by war.  There is a possible exception in the case of Italy, whose present greatness has flowed from loyal help rendered her by other kindred nations, and by realising for herself certain large patriotic ideals entertained by great minds.  But for the majority of nations it is certainly true that they have fought their way into the ranks of supreme powers.  From this the deduction is easy that greatness depends on the possession of formidable military power.  Indeed, all the arguments of those who are very anxious that we should not reduce our armaments is entirely based on this supposition.  The strong man armed keepeth his goods in peace; his only fear is that a stronger man may come with better arms and take away his possessions.  Now if the new Europe dawns not indeed for those who are past middle age—­for they will have died before its realisation—­but for the younger generation for whose sake we are bearing the toil and burden of the day, the one thing which is absolutely necessary is that the index of greatness must no longer be found in armies and navies.  Clearly it will take a long time for men to get used to this novel conception.  Inveterate prejudices will stand in the way.  We shall be told over and over again that peace-lovers are no patriots; that imperialism demands the possible sacrifice of our manhood to the exigencies of war; and that the only class of men who are ever respected in this world are those who can fight.  And so, even though we have had ocular demonstration of the appalling ruin which militarism can produce, we may yet, if we are not careful, forget all our experience and drift back into notions which are not really separable from precisely those ideas which we are at present reprobating in the German nation.  The real test is this:  Is, or is not, war a supreme evil?