got up his Mormon War, our people, Wade and Fremont, and The Tribune, led off furiously against it.  I supported it to the immense disgust of enemies and friends.  If you want to sicken your opponents with their own war, go in for it till they give it up."(19) He was not alone among the politicians of his time, and some other times, in these cynical views.  Lincoln has a story of a politician who was asked to oppose the Mexican War, and who replied, “I opposed one war; that was enough for me.  I am now perpetually in favor of war, pestilence and famine.”

The second clue to Seward’s new policy of international brigandage was the need, as he conceived it, to propitiate those Southern expansionists who in the lower South at least formed so large a part of the political machine, who must somehow be lured back into the Union; to whom the Virginia Compromise, as well as every other scheme of readjustment yet suggested, offered no allurement.  Like Lincoln defeating the Crittenden Compromise, like the Virginians planning the last compromise, Seward remembered the filibusters and the dreams of the expansionists, annexation of Cuba, annexation of Nicaragua and all the rest, and he looked about for a way to reach them along that line.  Chance had played into his hands.  Already Napoleon III had begun his ill-fated interference with the affairs of Mexico.  A rebellion had just taken place in San Domingo and Spain was supposed to have designs on the island.  Here, for any one who believed in predatory war as an infallible last recourse to rouse the patriotism of a country, were pretexts enough.  Along with these would go a raging assertion of the Monroe Doctrine and a bellicose attitude toward other European powers on less substantial grounds.  And amid it all, between the lines of it all, could not any one glimpse a scheme for the expansion of the United States southward?  War with Spain over San Domingo!  And who, pray, held the Island of Cuba!  And what might not a defeated Spain be willing to do with Cuba?  And if France were driven out of Mexico by our conquering arms, did not the shadows of the future veil but dimly a grateful Mexico where American capital should find great opportunities?  And would not Southern capital in the nature of things, have a large share in all that was to come?  Surely, granting Seward’s political creed, remembering the problem he wished to solve, there is nothing to be wondered at in his proposal to Lincoln:  “I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once.” . . .  And if satisfactory explanations were not received from Spain and France, “would convene Congress and declare war against them.”