Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 450 pages of information about Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War.

Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 450 pages of information about Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War.
the opposite way.  Virginia had lifted the Southern cause to its highest plane.  But there was danger that the Virginia compromise might prevail.  If that should happen these enthusiasts for a separate Southern nationality might find all their work undone at the eleventh hour.  Virginians who shared Montgomery’s enthusiasms had seen this before then.  That was why Roger Pryor, for example, had gone to Charleston as a volunteer missionary.  In a speech to a Charleston crowd he besought them, as a way of precipitating Virginia into the lists, to strike blow.  Charleston Mercury, April 11, 1861.

The only way to get any clue to these diplomatic tangles is by discarding the old notion that there were but two political ideals clashing together in America in 1861.  There were three.  The Virginians with their devotion to the idea of a league of nations in this country were scarcely further away from Lincoln and his conception of a Federal unit than they were from those Southerners who from one cause or another were possessed with the desire to create a separate Southern nation.  The Virginia program was as deadly to one as to the other of these two forces which with the upper South made up the triangle of the day.  The real event of March, 1861, was the perception both by Washington and Montgomery that the Virginia program spelled ruin for its own.  By the middle of April it would be difficult to say which had the better reason to desire the defeat of that program, Washington or Montgomery.

24.  Lincoln, VI, 240, 301, 302; N. R., first series, IV, 109, 235, 239; Welles, I, 16, 22-23, 25; Bancroft, II, 127, 129-130,138,139, 144; N. and H., III, Chap.  XI, IV, Chap.  I. Enemies of Lincoln have accused him of bad faith with regard to the relief of Fort Pickens.  The facts appear to be as follows:  In January, 1861, when Fort Pickens was in danger of being seized by the forces of the State of Florida, Buchanan ordered a naval expedition to proceed to its relief.  Shortly afterward—­January 2—­Senator Mallory on behalf of Florida persuaded him to order the relief expedition not to land any troops so long as the Florida forces refrained from attacking the fort.  This understanding between Buchanan and Mallory is some-times called “the Pickens truce,” sometimes “the Pickens Armistice.”  N. and H., III, Chap.  XI; N. R., first series, 1, 74; Scott, II, 624-625.  The new Administration had no definite knowledge of it.  Lincoln, VI, 302.  Lincoln despatched a messenger to the relief expedition, which was still hovering off the Florida coast, and ordered its troops to be landed.  The commander replied that he felt bound by the previous orders which had been issued in the name of the Secretary of the Navy while the new orders issued from the Department of War; he added that relieving Pickens would produce war and wished to be sure that such was the President’s intention; he also informed Lincoln’s messenger of the terms of Buchanan’s agreement with Mallory.  The messenger returned to Washington for ampler instructions.  N. and H., IV, Chap.  I; N. R., first series, I, 109-110, 110-111.

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