Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 450 pages of information about Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War.

Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 450 pages of information about Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War.
most things were coming their way.  American politicians have not always shown an ability to read clearly the American people.  Whether the politicians were in error on August 14, 1864, and again on August twenty-third, two dates that were turning points, is a matter of debate to this day.  As to August fourteenth, they have this, at least, in their defense.  The country had no political observer more keen than the Scotch free lance who edited The New York Herald.  It was Bennett’s editorial view that Lincoln would do well to make a virtue of necessity and withdraw his candidacy because “the dissatisfaction which had long been felt by the great body of American citizens has spread even to his own supporters."(3) Confident that a great reaction against Lincoln was sweeping the country, that the Manifesto had been launched in the very nick of time, a meeting of conspirators was held in New York, at the house of David Dudley Field, August fourteenth.  Though Wade was now at his home in Ohio, Davis was present.  So was Greeley.  It was decided to ask Lincoln to withdraw.  Four days afterward, a “call” was drawn up and sent out confidentially near and far to be signed by prominent politicians.  The “call” was craftily worded.  It summoned a new Union Convention to meet in Cincinnati, September twenty-eighth, for the purpose either of rousing the party to whole-hearted support of Lincoln, or of uniting all factions on some new candidate.  Greeley who could not attend the committee which drew up the “call” wrote that “Lincoln is already beaten."(4)

Meanwhile, the infection of dismay had spread fast among the Lincoln managers.  Even before the meeting of the conspirators on the fourteenth, Weed told the President that he could not be reelected.(5)

One of his bravest supporters, Washburne, came to the dismal conclusion that “were an election to be held now in Illinois, we should be beaten.”  Cameron, who had returned from Russia and was working hard for Lincoln in Pennsylvania, was equally discouraging.  So was Governor Morton in Indiana.  From all his “stanchest friends,” wrote his chief manager to Lincoln, “there was but one report.  The tide is setting strongly against us."(6)

Lincoln’s managers believed that the great host of free voters who are the balance of power in American politics, were going in a drove toward the camp of the Democrats.  It was the business of the managers to determine which one, or which ones, among the voices of discontent, represented truly this controlling body of voters.  They thought they knew.  Two cries, at least, that rang loud out of the Babel of the hour, should be heeded.  One of these harked back to Niagara.  In the anxious ears of the managers it dinned this charge:  “the Administration prevented negotiations for peace by tying together two demands, the Union must be restored and slavery must be abolished; if Lincoln had left out slavery, he could have had peace in a restored Union.” 

Copyrights
Project Gutenberg
Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.