One would have thought, since we were six months in preparing it, that a draft of the Note would have been sent to the man on the ground whom our Government keeps in London to study the situation at first hand and to make the best judgment he can about the most effective methods of approach on delicate and difficult matters.  If that had been done, I should have suggested a courteous short Note saying that we are obliged to set forth such and such views about marine law and the rights of neutrals, to His Majesty’s Government; and that the contention of the United States Government was herewith sent—­etc., etc.—­Then this identical Note (with certain court-house, strong, shirt-sleeve adjectives left out) could have come without arousing any feeling whatsoever.  Of course I have no personal vanity in saying this to you.  I am sure I outgrew that foible many years ago.  But such a use of an ambassador—­of any ambassador—­is obviously one of the best and most natural uses he could be put to; and all governments but ours do put their ambassadors to such a use:  that’s what they have ’em for.

Per contra:  a telegram has just come in saying that a certain Lichtenstein in New York had a lot of goods stopped by the British Government, which (by an arrangement made with their attorney here) agreed to buy them at a certain price:  will I go and find out why the Government hasn’t yet paid Lichtenstein and when he may expect his money?  Is it an ambassadorial duty to collect a private bill for Lichtenstein, in a bargain with which our Government has had nothing to do?  I have telegraphed the Department, quite calmly, that I don’t think it is.  I venture to say no ambassador ever had such a request as that before from his Government.

My dear House, I often wonder if my years of work here—­the kind of high good work I’ve tried to do—­have not been thrown away.  I’ve tried to take and to busy myself with a long-range view of great subjects.  The British Empire and the United States will be here long after we are dead, and their relations will continue to be one of the most important matters—­perhaps the most important matter—­in the world.  Well, now think of Lichtenstein’s bill!

To get back where I started—­I fear, therefore, that, when I next meet the Admiral of the Grand Fleet (with whom I used to discuss everything quite freely before he sailed away to the war), he may forget to mention that we may have his 3,000 ships at our need.

Since this present difference is in danger of losing the healing influence of a kindly touch—­has become an uncourteous monster of 35 heads and 3 appendices—­I see no early end of it.  The British Foreign Office has a lot of lawyers in its great back offices.  They and our lawyers will now butt and rebut as long as a goat of them is left alive on either