“It has been my plan to have 10,000 disposable
troops in the Mediterranean,” he wrote to Acton;
and he regretted to the Ministry that they should
have withdrawn all the fine army which had regained
Egypt in 1801. “The sending them home,”
he remarked to an occasional correspondent, “was
a very inconsiderate measure, to say nothing further
of it.” His idea was to garrison Gaeta
and Naples on the coast of the mainland, and Messina
in Sicily; and to throw a force into the mountains
of Calabria, which should sustain and give cohesion
to the insurrection that he confidently expected would
follow. With the British fleet covering the approaches
by water, and sustaining and reinforcing garrisons
in the ports, there would be imposed upon the enemy,
unless he chose to abandon Southern Italy, a scene
of operations in a distant, difficult country, with
a long and narrow line of communications, flanked
throughout by the sea, and particularly by the two
fortified harbors which he proposed to occupy.
“The peasantry would, I believe, defend their
mountains, and at least it would give a check to the
movements of the French, and give us time to get a
fleet into the Mediterranean.” That the
attempt would have been ultimately successful, against
such power as Napoleon then wielded, cannot be affirmed;
but, until put down, it necessarily would have engaged
a force very disproportionate to its own numbers, drawing
off in great part the army destined against England,
as it was diverted two years later by Austria, and
giving opportunity for changes in the political conditions,
even to the formation of a new Coalition.
Nelson, therefore, was not far from right in reasoning
that the Mediterranean should, and therefore would,
be the chief scene of operations. In Bonaparte’s
eyes, to invade Britain was, justly, the greatest
of all ends, the compassing of which would cause all
the rest to fall. Nelson, weighing the difficulties
of that enterprise more accurately than could be done
by one unaccustomed to the sea, doubted the reality
of the intention, and thought it more consonant to
the true policy of France to seize control of the
Mediterranean, by a sudden concentration of her fleets,
and then to transport her troops by water to the heel
of Italy, to the Ionian Islands, to the Morea, to
Egypt. So stationed, with fortified stepping-stones
rising at short intervals from the deep, future movements
of troops and supplies from point to point would be
but an affair of coasters, slipping from battery to
battery, such as he had experienced to his cost in
the Riviera. In this project he thought it likely
that France could secure the co-operation of Russia,
by allowing the latter her share of the spoils of
Turkey, especially in Constantinople. He saw,
indeed, that the partition would involve some difficulty
between the two partners, and in his correspondence
he attributes the Morea and the islands, now to one,
now to the other; but the prediction, elicited piece-meal
from his letters, received a close fulfilment four
years later in the general tenor of the agreements
of Tilsit, nor was it less accurate in its dim prophecy
of a disagreement.