and economists, using this method of escape from the
very pertinent question of surplus population and
surplus proletariat in its relation to labor organization
and unemployment. It is true that elsewhere (2)
he goes so far as to admit that “even Malthus
recognized over-population as a necessity of modern
industry, though, after his narrow fashion, he explains
it by the absolute over-growth of the laboring population,
not by their becoming relatively supernumerary.”
A few pages later, however, Marx comes back again
to the question of over-population, failing to realize
that it is to the capitalists’ advantage that
the working classes are unceasingly prolific.
“The folly is now patent,” writes the
unsuspecting Marx, “of the economic wisdom that
preaches to the laborers the accommodation of their
numbers to the requirements of capital. The mechanism
of capitalist production and accumulation constantly
affects this adjustment. The first work of this
adaptation is the creation of a relatively surplus
population or industrial reserve army. Its last
work is the misery of constantly extending strata
of the army of labor, and the dead weight of pauperism.”
A little later he ventures again in the direction
of Malthusianism so far as to admit that “the
accumulation of wealth at one pole is... at the same
time the accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery,
ignorance, brutality and mental degradation at the
opposite pole.” Nevertheless, there is no
indication that Marx permitted himself to see that
the proletariat accommodates its numbers to the “requirements
of capital” precisely by breeding a large, docile,
submissive and easily exploitable population.
Had the purpose of Marx been impartial and scientific,
this trifling difference might easily have been overcome
and the dangers of reckless breeding insisted upon.
But beneath all this wordy pretension and economic
jargon, we detect another aim. That is the unconscious
dramatization of human society into the “class
conflict.” Nothing was overlooked that
might sharpen and accentuate this “conflict.”
Marx depicted a great melodramatic conflict, in which
all the virtues were embodied in the proletariat and
all the villainies in the capitalist. In the
end, as always in such dramas, virtue was to be rewarded
and villainy punished. The working class was
the temporary victim of a subtle but thorough conspiracy
of tyranny and repression. Capitalists, intellectuals
and the bourgeoisie were all “in on”
this diabolic conspiracy, all thoroughly familiar
with the plot, which Marx was so sure he had uncovered.
In the last act was to occur that catastrophic revolution,
with the final transformation scene of the Socialist
millenium. Presented in “scientific”
phraseology, with all the authority of economic terms,
“Capital” appeared at the psychological
moment. The heaven of the traditional theology
had been shattered by Darwinian science, and here,
dressed up in all the authority of the new science,
appeared a new theology, the promise of a new heaven,
an earthly paradise, with an impressive scale of rewards
for the faithful and ignominious punishments for the
capitalists.