in immediate interest under a new form. It was
no longer asked, how shall we win to our national
communion those who have hitherto declined to recognise
its authority? The great ecclesiastical question
of the day—if only it could have been taken
in hand with sufficient earnestness—was
rather this: how shall we keep among us in true
Church fellowship this great body of religiously minded
men and women who, by the mouth of their principal
leader, profess real attachment to the Church of England,
and yet want a liberty and freedom from rule which
we know not how to give? No doubt it was a difficulty—more
difficult than may at first appear—to incorporate
the activities of Methodism into the general system
of the National Church. Only it is very certain
that obstacles which might have been overcome were
not generally grappled with in the spirit, or with
the seriousness of purpose, which the crisis deserved.
Meanwhile, at the close of the period, when this question
had scarcely been finally decided, the Revolution
broke out in France. In the terror of that convulsion,
when Christianity itself was for the first time deposed
in France, and none knew how widely the outbreak would
extend, or what would be the bound of such insurrection
against laws human and divine, the unity of a common
Christianity could not fail to be felt more strongly
than any lesser causes of disunion. There was
a kindness and sympathy of feeling manifested towards
the banished French clergy, which was something almost
new in the history of Protestantism. The same
cause contributed to promote the good understanding
which at this time subsisted between a considerable
section of Churchmen and Dissenters. Possibly
some practical efforts might have been set on foot
towards healing religious divisions, if the open war
waged against Christianity had long been in suspense.
As it was, other feelings came in, which tended rather
to widen than to diminish the breach between men of
strong and earnest opinions on different sides.
In some men of warm religious feeling the Revolution
excited a fervent spirit of Radicalism. However
much they deplored the excesses and horrors which had
taken place in France, they did not cease to contemplate
with passionate hope the tumultuous upheaval of all
old institutions, trusting that out of the ruins of
the past a new and better future would derive its birth.
The great majority of Englishmen, on the other hand,
startled and terrified with what they saw, became
fixed in a resolute determination that they would
endure no sort of tampering with the English Constitution
in Church or State. Whatever changes might be
made for better or for worse, they would in any case
have no change now. Conservatism became in their
eyes a sort of religious principle from which they
could not deviate without peril of treason to their
faith. This was an exceedingly common feeling;
among none more so than with that general bulk of
steady sober-minded people of the middle classes without
whose consent changes, in which they would feel strongly
interested, could never be carried out. The extreme
end of the last century was not a time when Church
legislation, for however excellent an object, was
likely to be carried out, or even thought of.