we never mean to include a worthy portion of our fellow-citizens, who consider themselves as in duty bound to support the constituted authorities of every branch, and to reserve their opposition to the period of election.  These having acquired the appellation of federalists, while a federal administration was in place, have not cared about throwing off their name, but, adhering to their principle, are the supporters of the present order of things.  The other branch of the federalists, those who are so in principle as well as in name, disapprove of the republican principles and features of our constitution, and would, I believe, welcome any public calamity (war with England excepted) which might lessen the confidence of our country in those principles and forms.  I have generally considered them rather as subjects for a madhouse.  But they are now playing a game of the most mischievous tendency, without perhaps being themselves aware of it.  They are endeavoring to convince England, that we suffer more by the embargo than they do, and that, if they will but hold out a while, we must abandon it.  It is true, the time will come when we must abandon it.  But if this is before the repeal of the orders of council, we must abandon it only for a state of war.  The day is not distant, when that will be preferable to a longer continuance of the embargo.  But we can never remove that, and let our vessels go out and be taken under these orders, without making reprisal.  Yet this is the very state of things which these federal monarchists are endeavoring to bring about; and in this it is but too possible they may succeed.  But the fact is, that if we have war with England, it will be solely produced by their manoeuvres.  I think that in two or three months we shall know what will be the issue.  I salute you with esteem and respect.

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER LXX.—­TO ROBERT L. LIVINGSTON, October 15, 1808

TO ROBERT L. LIVINGSTON.

Washington, October 15, 1808.

Sir,

Your letter of September the 22nd waited here for my return, and it is not till now that I have been able to acknowledge it.  The explanation of his principles, given you by the French Emperor, in conversation, is correct as far as it goes.  He does not wish us to go to war with England, knowing we have no ships to carry on that war.  To submit to pay to England the tribute on our commerce which she demands by her orders of council, would be to aid her in the war against him, and would give him just ground to declare war with us.  He concludes, therefore, as every rational man must, that the embargo, the only remaining alternative, was a wise measure.  These are acknowledged principles, and should circumstances arise, which may offer advantage to our country in making them public, we shall avail ourselves of them.  But as it is not usual nor agreeable to governments to bring their conversations before the public, I think