I have often wished for an occasion of saying a word to you on the subject of the Emperor of Russia, of whose character and value to us, I suspect you are not apprized correctly.  A more virtuous man, I believe, does not exist, nor one who is more enthusiastically devoted to better the condition of mankind.  He will probably, one day, fall a victim to it, as a monarch of that principle does not suit a Russian noblesse.  He is not of the very first order of understanding, but he is of a high one.  He has taken a peculiar affection to this country and its government, of which he has given me public as well as personal proofs.  Our nation being like his, habitually neutral, our interests as to neutral rights, and our sentiments, agree.  And whenever conferences for peace shall take place, we are assured of a friend in him.  In fact, although in questions of restitution he will be with England, in those of neutral rights he will be with Bonaparte and every other power in the world, except England:  and I do presume that England will never have peace until she subscribes to a just code of marine law.  I have gone into this subject, because I am confident that Russia (while her present monarch lives) is the most cordially friendly to us of any power on earth, will go furthest to serve us, and is most worthy of conciliation.  And although the source of this information must be a matter of confidence with you, yet it is desirable that the sentiments should become those of the nation.  I salute you with esteem and respect.

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER LX.—­TO GEORGE HAY, August 20, 1807

TO GEORGE HAY.

Monticello, August 20, 1807.

Dear Sir,

I received yesterday your favor of the 11th.  An error of the post-office had occasioned the delay.  Before an impartial jury Burr’s conduct would convict himself, were not one word of testimony to be offered against him.  But to what a state will our law be reduced by party feelings in those who administer it?  Why do not Blannerhasset, Dayton, &c. demand private and comfortable lodgings?  In a country where an equal application of law to every condition of man is fundamental, how could it be denied to them?  How can it ever be denied to the most degraded malefactor?  The enclosed letter of James Morrison, covering a copy of one from Alston to Blannerhasset, came to hand yesterday.  I enclose them, because it is proper all these papers should be in one deposite, and because you should know the case and all its bearings, that you may understand whatever turns up in the cause.  Whether the opinion of the letter-writer is sound, may be doubted.  For however these, and other circumstances which have come to us, may induce us to believe that the bouncing letter he published, and the insolent one he wrote to me, were intended as blinds, yet they are not sufficient for legal conviction.  Blannerhasset and his wife could possibly tell us enough.  I commiserate the sufferings you have to go through in such a season, and salute you with great esteem and respect.